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THE 




LIFE AND TIMES 



or 




II E N Pv Y CLAY. 



BY 



SAMUEL M. SCTIMUCKER, LLD. 

4irrK0K OF " PUBUO AM) PRIVATE HISTORV OF NAPOLEON in.," •' IITE AND TIlfES 

M ALEXANUtR HiMII.TON." "LIFE AND TIMES OF- THOMAS JBrrBRUOM," 

" HISTORY OF Tflfi FOUR GJiORGES," £TC. 



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FHI.I ADKLPHIA: 

^OKN E. Potter a'-id CcMPArr' 

617 SaNSOM STKbtT. 



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£nt«red, acoordiog to Act of Congress, in the year 1860, by 

SAMUEL M SCHMUCKER, 

in the Cletk'i Office of the District Court of the United Statei for the Eastern Diitrkl 

of PennHylvHnia. 



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PEE FACE. 



A GREAT orator lives in his speeches ; an eminent 
statesman, in the wise and patriotic measures which 
he may have devised and advocated. That record 
of the career of these individuals is most complete, 
which combines together such a proportion of both 
these kinds of achievement, as will reproduce most 
successfully the peculiar individuality of the man. 

The present writer has been guided by this prin- 
ciple in the preparation of tlie following work. His 
endeavor has been to comprise within a compass 
more portable and convenient than that of any other 
work now existing on the subject, a narrative of the 
most interesting and important events of Henry Clay's 
life: at tlie same time also demonstratins: to the 
reader what manner of man he was, and how noble 
the actions were which he performed, by furnishing 
appropriate extracts from his orations, at those precise 
stages of the narrative to which they respectively be- 

(iii) 



iV P II E F A C E . 

loiio-od : as well as 1)V acWiii^: some of liis most re- 
markable master-pieces, unabridged, in the concluding 
portion of the volume. 

The foUowing biography claims to be impartial in 
its statements. The writer, although he entertains a 
due appreciation of Mr. Clay's extraordinary merits, 
is not his idolater; and, consequently, the reader will 
not find in these pages a repetition of those undis- 
cerning and extravagant eulogies of their subject, 
which have characterized the productions of some of 
his biographers; nor, on the other hand, any of those 
implacable and bitter invectives which have deformed 
the pages of others. Summary as the 'work com- 
paratively is, and was intended to be, it was the effort 
of the writer, by a few bold and simple strokes of 
the historic pencil, to furnish a portraiture of the il- 
lustrious theme, which would perhaps prove as satis- 
factory to the popular reader, as a more extended, ela- 
borate, and a'tiiicial representation might have been. 

S. M. S. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

Birth of Henry Clay — His Family — He attends School^" Millboy of the 
Slashes" — Is placed in Denny's Store-t-His Early Habits — Obtains a Desk 
in the Office of the Clerk of the Virginia Court of Chancery — His Indus- 
try — Chancellor Wythe— ^His Sttidies-i-Prepares for the Bar — Is admitted 

— His Removal to Lexington, Kentucky — His Limited Resources — His 
Further Studies in Lexington — Admitted to the Bur in Fayette County — 
His First Speech in the Debating Club page 9 

CHAPTER IL 
Mr. Clay's Professional Success — Case of Mrs. Phelps — Of the Two Germans 
— Of Willis — The New Constituticm of Kentucky — Mr. Clay's Opinions on 
the Abolition of Slavery — His Speeches on the Subject — Consequent Un- 
popularity — Elected to the General Assembly of Kentucky — Alien and 
Sedition Laws — He advocates the Removal of the State Capital — The 
Result — His Marriage and Family 18 

CHAPTER IIL 

Mr. Clay's Defence of Aaron Burr — His Election to the United States Senate 

— Announces his System of "Internal Improvement" — His Subsequent 
Election to the Kentucky Legislature — His Duel with Mr. Humphrey 
Marshall — His Services in the Legislature — His Re-election to the U. S. 
Senate — His Speech on the Perdido Tract 30 

CHAPTER IV. 

Proposal to Recharter the United States Bank — Mr. Clay opposes it — Sub- 
sequent Change in His Opinions — Reasons for that Change — Mr. Clay 
elected to the House of Representatives — Is chosen Speaker — English and 
French Hostilities against the United States — Mr. Clay in Favor of War 
v.iih England — Hostilities commenced — Events of the War — Mr. Clay 
appointed Commissioner to Ghent — Treaty of Peace — Mr. Clay's Return 
to Kentucky . 42 

1 * (v) 



vi c <j ^• T E N T s . 

CHAPTER V. 

Establishment of n National Uank— Mr. Clay's Advocacy of it— Proposal to 
increase the Salary of llepresentatives — Mr. Clay's Vote on this Subject — 
The South American Republics — Mr. Clay's Proposition to sympathize 
with Them— His Eloquence on this Subject— Its Final Results — Resolu- 
tions censuring General Jackson — The Admission of Missouri to the Union 
— The Missouri Compromise — Mr. Clay's Retirement to Professional Life 

— His Ill-Health — Return to Congress 08 

CHAPTER YI. 

Recognition of the Freedom of Greece — The Subject of Protection of Ame- 
rican Industry — Mr. Clay's Speech respecting it — Visit of Laljiyette to 
U. S. — Is received by Mr. Clay in the House of Representatives — Presi- 
dential Campaign of 1S24 — Rival Candidates — Mr. Adams elected Presi- 
dent— r-Mr. Clay appointed Secretary of Staje — Charge of "Bargain and 
Sale" — Its Falsehood and Malignity — Mr. Clay's Self-Vindication... 71 

CHAPTER VII. 

Mr. Clay as Secretary of State — His Official Activity— General Jackson re- 
vives the Charge of Bargain and Sale — Unpopularity of the Adams Ad- 
ministration — John Randolph — His Assault on Mr. Clay — Duel between 

^vClay and Randolph — Its Incidents and Result — Election of General Jaek- 
p<m to the Presidency — Return of Mr. Clay to Kentucky — Malignity and 
Persecution of his Enenii'^s— His Re-election to the United States Senate 

— Is nominated for the Presidency 84 

CHAPTER VIII. 

The Tariff of 18?>2 — Mr. Clay's Bill — His Argument in Defence of it — Dis- 
content in South Carolina — The Proclamation of President Jackson — 
Counter Proclamation of Governor Haytie — Mr. Clay's Comj^romise Bill — • 
His Argument in Support of it — Mr. Welister's Opposition — Its Final 
Passage — Peace of the Uni<m preserved — Mr. Clay's Journey thr'Ugh the 
Northern and Eastern States — E.xhibitions of Popular Enthusiasm — His 
Return to Wa.-hington 101 

CHAPTER IX. 

Dispofinl of the Public Lands — Policy of I^Ir. Clay respecting thorn — Hia 
Report on the Subject — President Jackson's Opposition to it — The Bnnk 
of the United States — The President resolves to remove the Deposits — 
riianges produced thereby in his Cabinet — The Opposition of Congress to 
the Me;iHure — The Deposits removed — Mr. Clay's Speeches on the Subject 

— The E.xpunging Resolution — Extracts 113 



CONTENT?. Vll 



CHAPTER X. 



Mr. Clay's Opposition to President Jnckson — His Visit to Kentucky— Ame- 
rican Claims on France — Their Adjustment — Mr. Clay's Report on the 
Subject — Election of Mr. Van Buren to the Presidency — The Sub-Treasury 
System — Mr, Clay's Opposition to it — His Speeches on the Subject — 
Defeat of the Bill proposing it — Its Subsequent Revival — Continued Op- 
position to it by Mr. Clay l*^^ 

CHAPTER XJ. 

The Campaign of 1840 — Nomination of Gen. Harrison to the Presidency — 
His Election— His Death — Accession of Mr. Tyler — Mr. Clay's Bill on the 
U. S. Bank — Its Veto by Pres. Tyler — Mr. Clay's Speech on the Veto — 
Mr. Clay's Visit to his Birthplace — Incidents of that Occasion— >-Mr. Clay 
resigns his Seat in the Senate — His Letter to the Legislature of Kentucky 
— His Address to the Senate on his Resignation — Impression produced by 
its Delivery 151 

CHAPTER XII. 

Mr. Clny's Return to Private Life — The Lexington Barbecue — His Speech 
on this Occasion — His Visit to Richmond, Indiana — Incident in Reference 
to the Slavery Question — His Speech on this Occasion — His Visit to Day- 
ton, Ohio — His Journey to the South-Eastern States — Enthusiastic Recep- 
tions during the Progress of his Journey — He sojourns at Washington — 
Is nominated for the Presidency by the Whig Convention at Baltimore — 
He returns to Ashland 176 

CHAPTER XIIL 

The Presidential Campaign of 1844 — Revival of the "Bargain and Sale" 
Slander — Characteristics of the Contest — Its Unexpected Result— Defeat 
of the Whigs — Disappointment of Mr. Clay's Friends — Various Proofs of 
their Attachment to him — The Mexican War — Death of Henry Clay, Jr. 
— Mr. Clay joins the Church — His Speech on the Mexican War — His 
Views on Slavery — His Visit to the North — His Reception 188 

CHAPTER XIV. 

The Political Campaign of 1848 — Wishes of Mr. Clay's Friends— Nomination 
of General Taylor for the Presidency — His Election— Mr. Clay re-elected 
to the U. S. Senate — His Letter in Reference to the Abolition of Slavery 
in Kentucky — Its P.esults — Compromise Measures of 1850 — Their Import 
— Mr. Clay's Efforts in Favor of Them — Opposition of both Northern and 
Southern Senators — Their Ultimate Defeat 203 



vill CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XV. 

Mr. Clay's Views of the Tariff of 1846 — The Harbor and River Bill — Mr. 
Clay's Interest in its Passai^e — Tactics of the O[»positiun — Mr. Clay's 
Appeals on the Subject — Ultimate Defeat of the Bill — Mr. Clay's last Visit' 
to Ashland — His Uetilrn to Was-hington — His Interview with Kossuth — 

J Hie Last Sickness-t-His Death — That Event announced in Congress.. 229 

CHAPTER XVI. 

Henry Clay's Obsequies at Washington — Remnrks of Mr. Underwood — 
Eulogy pronounced by Mr. Seward — The Address of Mr. Breokenridge — 
Religious Services in the Senate Chamber — The Remains conveyed to 
Lexington —Their Reception there — Intense Popular Feeling — Addresses 
— Maslerljr Eulogy by Mr. Crittenden. 237 



APPENDIX. 

SELECT SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

I. 

On the Greek Revolution. Delivered in the House of Representatives, 
Jan. 20, 1824 315 

XL 
Our Treatment of the Cherokees. Delivered in the Senate of the United 
Stales, Feb. 14, 1836 328 

III. 
On the Public Lands. Delivered in the Senate of the United States, 
1832 355 



1 * 



IV. 

On African Colonization. Delivered in the House of Representatives, Jan. 
20, 1827, before the American Colonization Society 409 



HENRY CLAY. 



CHAPTER I. 

BIRTH OF HENRY CLAY HIS FAMILY — HE ATTENDS SCHOOL " MILLBOY 

OF THE slashes" — IS PLACED IN DENNY'S STORE HIS EARLY 

HABITS — OBTAINS A DESK IN THE OFFICE OF THE CLERK OF THE VIR-. 

GINIA COURT OF CHANCERY HIS INDUSTRY CHANCELLOR WYTHE 

HIS STUDIES PREPARES FOR THE BAR — IS ADMITTED — HIS REMOVAL 

TO LEXINGTON, KENTUCKY — HIS LIMITED RESOURCES — FURTHER 
STUDIES IN LEXINGTON — ADMITTED TO THE BAR IN FAYETTE COUNTY 
HIS FIRST SPEECH IN THE DEBATING CLUB. 

Henry Clay, who may justly be denominated the 
most versatile and eloquent of American statesmen, 
was born in Hanover county, Virginia, on the 12th 
of April, 1777. He first sa\y the light at a period 
when liis native land was involved in the desperate 
struggles of the Revolution by which she achieved 
her liberties; and his infanc}' was nursed amid its 
lowering; storms and thrillins^ vicissitudes. His father 
was an esteemed Baptist clergyman, who officiated in 
that neighborhood ; a region of country to which tlie 
epithet "Slashes" was applied, as signiticant of the 
low^ and marshy nature of the soil. Henry was one 
of a family of eight children, consisting of five sons 

(9) 



10 Til F. L I r K A N I) TIMES 

and three dauijliter.^. The latter all died at an early 
period ; of the sons, the 'Rev. Porter Clay, who lived 
Buhseqnently at Jacksonville, Illinois, alone attained, 
with his illnstrions hrother, a rnaturer acre. 

The future statesman lost Ijis fatlier bv death in 
1781, when he was in his fifth year. The family were 
left in very dependent circumstances; yet the mother 
of Henry, wlio was a person of superior ititellect and 
resolution, secured for him the best mental cultivation 
which was then within her reach. He was sent to tlie 
nearest school in the neighborhood, where an English- 
man of more than ordinarv attainments, named Dea- 
con, tau^-ht the usual branches of rudimental know- 
ledge. j'This seat of the muses, thus destined to so 
unexpected a posthumous fame, was an humble log 
cabin, with no lloor but the naked earth, the door and 
windows being always open to the free airs of heaven. 
In that ungenial spot this boy of such extraordinary 
gifts, and destined to so wide a celebrity, acquired a 
knowledge of reading, writing, and arithmetic. In 
the vicinity of this scliool, the widowed mother con- 
tinued to reside for some years; during which period 
Henry, when not engaged with his books, was called 
upon to assist in vai'ious liousehold offices. One of 
tljese, was to procure from a njill in the Shishes the 
necessary Hour for the use of the family; which duty 
he usually accomplished by riding on horseback 
thither with a bag; and thus arose that phrase which 
afterward became familiar to millions of American 
ears, as applied toliim: "tlie Mill-boy of the Slashes." 

Several years after the death of her first husband, 
Mrs. Clay married Captain Henry Watkins, a resident 



OF HENRY CLAY. 11 

of Richmond. By his means, Henry was placed in 
1791, wlien fourteen 3'ears of age, in tlie store of 
Ricluird Denny, in that city; and there he remained 
for tlie period of a year. ^ During this interval the 
boy was remarked for his industr}^ his amiability of 
temper, and propriety of behaviour; but at the same 
time, he exhibited a rarer and equally commendable 
quality. He evinced a desire to improve himself in- 
tellectually, and the hours of leisure which other 
youths of the same age devoted to amusement or to 
folly, he employed in reading such interesting and 
useful books as came \Aitliin his reach. His step- 
father seems to have discerned the remarkable pro- 
mise of the boy, and to have taken a more than ordi- 
nary interest in his welfare. Accordingly he applied 
to his friend Peter Tinsley, the clerk of tlie hio-h 
Court of Chancer}' of Virginia, at Richmond, to 
admit young Clay into his office as one of his subor- 
dinates and assistants. A situation in this office was 
much prized, was with much difficulty attained, and at 
that time no vacancy existed in the usual number of 
clerks; nevertheless, the influence and assiduities of 
Captain Watkins prevailed, and Henry was promoted 
to the envied post. 

The a[tpearance of young Clay in this office was at 
iirst the sio:nal for considerable amusement anions: his 
more polished and advanced associates. His personal 
characteristics mis^ht have excused a little merriment 
on the occasion, fir he was a tall, gaunt, awkward 
youtii, whose confusion at the novelty of his situation 
was apparent; and his attire, consisting of a suit of 
Virginia cloth, resembling in color a mixture of pep- 



12 T H E L I F K A N D T I M E S 

j»er and salt, pocrncMl equally siiifrnlnr and anomalons. 
But tlie associates of the young clerk soon discovered 
tlie better and liiglier qualities wliich be possessed; 
his manliness, independence and aniiabilit}- ; and soon 
he gained their favor and admiration. His excellent 
liabits of industrv also won their res^ard and that of 
his employer; for he exhibited an insatiable desire for 
mental improvement, and bis leisure time was still 
devoted to the increase of liis knowledire, by the 
perusal of all the works of value and entertainment 
which he could secure. Like all intellects of a hiub 
order, his mind felt a natural attraction, an instinc- 
tive, elective afiinitv towards those beauties and mental 
achievements which other minds of similar gifts and 
capacities have ])roduced and elaborated, and which 
are jtreserved on the printed page for the gratification 
and im|)r()vement of mankind. 

Henry Chiy's connection with the clerk's ofhce of 
the Court of Chancery, ])laced him within the reach 
of intluences which })r()duced a decisive efl'ect upon 
liis futui'e ik'Sliny through life, Jind moulded it \n a 
new and more attractive foi'm. lie was there brouiiht 
in contact with Chancelhir Wythe, one of the ahh'St 
and most eminent men whom Virginia has produced. 
The Chanceborsoon discerned the superior gifts of the 
young clei'k ; and being in want of an amanuensis in 
recording his decisions, as well as preparing other ne- 
cessary writings, lie requested the chief clerk to allow 
him the assistance and the service of vounir Clav. 
This request was complied with; and the result was, 
that during the peri-.d of four years he served the 
Chancellor in the capacity of clerk, at the same time 



OFHENRYCLAY. 13 

enjoyins: the benefits of his society, his advice, and his 
patronage. 

Nothing: conkl have been more fortunate for Yoiins: 
C^ay than his propitious rekition. His patron soon 
began to entertain a high admiration for his character, 
and to feel an interest in his future destiny, lie 
readily discerned that his clerk possessed talents of a 
high order; and these he resolved to nurture, to de- 
velop and encourage, that they might fully achieve 
their legitimate destiny. lie gave him directions as 
to the course of his studies; pointed out what depart- 
ments of knowledge should be explored ; designated 
what hooks sh()uld be studied; and stimulated him 
in the pursuit of information. The apt and ambitious 
pupil of the Chancellor made the utmost of these for- 
tunate influences, and his industrj' was as remarkable 
as his progress in knowledge was extraordinar}'. His 
capacious mind, developing and ripening now into the 
full stature and capacity of manhood, advanced with 
the facility of a giant, through the realms of know- 
ledo-e; and althouo^h his acquisitions were not svste- 
matic, nor pursued according to the symmetrical ar- 
rangements which exist in institutions professedly 
devoted to the pursuit of science, they were diversilied, 
and extensive, and practical. 

Young Clay enjoyed one great advantage from this 
peculiarity of his early studies; he was thrown in an 
unusual degree upon his own resources; he used no 
props or stilts; and thus liis mind attained one of the 
chief essentials and attributes of greatness — perfect 
self-dependence and reliance. After he had spent 
several years in the services of Chancellor Wythe, he 



14 TIIELIFEANDTIMES 

followed his sn<r2rcstion, and was enrolled in the office 
of Attorney-Gcneriil Brooke as a regular student of'law. 
The Chancellor had directed his aspirations to the har, 
as the future arena of his life and labors; he followed 
the sufrsrestion ; and for a vear devoted himself indus- 
triously to the specific studies which were requisite to 
fit him for admission to the profession. During this 
interval, another influence was brought to bear upon 
young Clay, which was of the most useful character, 
and helped to develop his intellectual energies by 
drawins: them forth to the liirht of dav, and assurinoj 
liini of the till then unkown powers which [Nature had 
placed within liim. AVhile a student in Mr. Brooke's 
office, he established a debating society, for the jtur- 
pose of practice in public speaking. Among the 
3()ung persons who were associated with him in this 
enterprise, there were several who afterward attained 
di.>tinctio!i. But the debates and orations in which 
Chiy took part in this association, first elicited and 
displayed his remarkable gifts as a natural orator; 
they surprised and delighted himself with the first 
consciousness of his latent gifts; while they furnished 
to his associates abundaiit and convincing proof of 
what his future distinction would be. The fame of 
the young orator even went abroad among the citi- 
zens of Richmond, and caused the hopes and admira- 
tion of the })ublic to be associated with his name. 

In IIU'2 Clay's mother, her husband, and family, 
removed to the vicinity of Lexington, Kentucky, 
lie remained in Kichmond to continue liis studies; 
and one year after his entrance into the office of Mr. 
Brooke, he was examined, and admitted to practice, 



OFHENRYCLAY. 1/ 



} 



by the Virginia Court of Appeals. This event oc- 
curred in 1797, in his twenty-first year. With his 
license in his pocket, as his only possession, except 
the rare gifts and capabilities which he carried in his 
head, the young adventurer then left Richmond, 
where no opening seemed to invite him ; and he jour- 
neyed to Lexington, in Kentucky, for the purpose of 
commencing the practice of his profession. He him- 
self afterw^ard described the state of his finances, and 
the moderation of his hopes at this period, in the fol- 
lowing graphic language, which was uttered in Lex- 
ington, in June, 1842, at a public entertainment given 
him by the citizens : 

"In looking back upon my origin and progress 
through life, I have great reason to be thankful. My 
father died in 1781, leaving me an infant of too tender 
years to retain any recollection of his smiles or en- 
dearments. My surviving parent removed to this 
State in 1792, leaving me, a boy of fifteen years of 
age, in the office of the high court of chancery, in the 
city of Richmond, without guardian, without pecu- 
niary means of support, to steer my course as Imight 
or could. A neglected education was improved by 
my own irregular exertions, without the benefit of 
systematic instruction. I studied law principally in 
the office of a lamented friend, the late Goveriu)r 
Brooke, then Attorney-General of Virginia, and also 
under the auspices of the venerable and lamented 
Chancellor Wythe, for whom I had acted as amanuen- 
sis. I obtained a license to practise the profession, 
from the judges of the cowrt of appeals of Virginia, 
and established myself in Lexington, in 1797, without 



16 THELIFEANDTIMES 

patrons, witliont the favor or countonanoe of the great 
or opulent, vvitlioiit the means of paying my weekly 
board and in the midst of a bar uncommonly dittin- 
o'liirihed bv eminent members. I remember how com- 
foitahle I thought I should be if I could make one 
hundred pounds, Virginia money, per year, and with 
what dclii^ht I received the lirst fifteen shillinsrs fee. 
^ly hopes were more than realized ; I immediately 
rushed into a successful and lucrative practice." 

On his arrival in Lexington, in 1797, he did not 
apply at once for admission to practice, but sjient a 
few months in prosecuting his legal studies; doubt- 
less from the necessity wliich existed, that he should 
iiuike himself familiar with the differences which [ire- 
vailed between the laws of the State which he had left, 
and those of the State to which he had removed. At 
length his ajiplication was made, and he was admitted; 
thus becoming: the member of a baruhich already in- 
cludt'd amonij its ornaments several men of di.-tin- 
guished abilities, such as John Breckenridge, James 
Iluiches, and Georije Nicholas. 

An incident occurred during tlie shcu't period spent 
by Henry Clay in ]t!H>]):iratory studies before his ad- 
mission to the Lexiiiiiton bar, which deserves to be 
narrated, inasmuch as, in the case of so gifred a man, 
it furnishes a!i evidence that much diffidence and 
modesty may often be combined with vast intellectual 
Cfifts. A debatins: club existed amon^: the youns^ men 
of Lexington, of which Mr. Clay soon became a 
memher. He had attended several meetings without 
taking any part in the proceedings. On a certain 
evening, ju.st as the debate was about to he tcrmi- 



OFHENRYCLAY. 17 

nated, and the usual vote to be taken, he was heard 
to remark, in an under-tone, that he did not think 
the subject had been full}' exliausted. Several of the 
members then urged him to speak, and their importu- 
nities at length prevailed. Mr. Clay rose, but in the ut- 
m- -at confusion. He stammered out the words, *' Gentle- 
men of the jur}'," to the surprise and amusement of 
the assembly, and his trepidation increased. He re- 
peated the same words a second time, with a still 
more aggravated result. At length, b}^ a vigorous 
effort, probably stung by the illy-suppressed ridicule 
of his audience, he mastered his fears, and com- 
menced his speech. As he progressed he gained con- 
fidence ; he warmed with the subject; his fine powers 
came into full play; and before he concluded, he con- 
vinced all who heard him that he was one of Nature's 
noblemen, an orator of high gifts, and of brilliant 
promise. Mr. James Hughes, who was present, after- 
ward a distinguished member of the Lexington bar, 
asserted repeatedly on subsequent occasions, that that 
was the best speech Mr. Clay ever delivered ; — a judg- 
ment indeed of doubtful accuracy, but indicative of 
the high admiration with which this virgin effort of 
Mr. Clay inspired him and his associates. 

2* 'b 



18 THELIFEANDTIMES 



CHAPTER II. 

MR. clay's professional SUCCESS — CASE OE MRS. PHELPS — OF THE 
TWO GERMANS — OF WILLIS — THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF KENTUCKT 

MR. clay's OPINIONS ON THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY HIS 

SPEECHES ON THE SUBJECT — CONSEQUENT UNPOPULARITY — ELECTED 

TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF KENTUCKY ALIEN AND SEDITION 

LAWS — HE ADVOCATES THE REMOVAL OF THE STATE CAPITAL — THE 
RESULT — HIS MARRIAGE AND FAMILY. 

The early experience of Mr. Clay in the practice 
of his profession, was snch as might have been antici- 
pated from the superiority of his talents. Very full 
details of events which occurred at so distant a period, 
do not now exist; but such as do remain, clearly de- 
monstrate that he soon attained a hio^h rank as a 
popular and eloquent advocate. A few incidents ap- 
])ortainin2: to this portion of his career, may here be 
appropriately introduced. 

One of the first cases in which he was retained, was 
that of a Mrs. Phelps, who was charged with the 
crime of murder. She was the wife of a respectable 
farmer, who, previous to the act for which she was 
arrested and arraigned, had been esteemed as an ex- 
emplary woman. In a moment of passion, when 
quarrelling with her husband's sister, she seized a 
loaded musket which happened to be at hand, and 
discharged it at her, producing immediate death. The 



OFHENRYCLAY. 19 

crime was not denied; the only possible ple.a was, 
that, the act being committed in the heat of passion, 
without any malice prepense, the defendant should 
not sufter death, but merely a punishment which, 
while it vindicated the majesty of the law, would not 
ruin the happiness and blast the reputation of the 
accused. In addressing the jury on behalf of this 
client, Mr. Clay dwelt with much eloquence, as is re- 
ported, upon the fact that the defendant was a woman 
of good reputation, who acknowledged her fault, and 
felt the utmost regret for it; that her husband, the 
brother of the deceased, pitied and forgave her crime, 
and interceded in her behalf; while it was evident 
that the sudden gust of passion under which she had 
committed the deed, amounted in reality to tempo- 
rary delirium^ during the existence of which her reason 
had been dethroned. In taking this position, Mr. 
Clay may be said to have invented or introduced that 
plea of insanity in cases of sudden crime, which has 
been urged so frequently since in defence of many 
similar acts of unpremeditated violence. 

Another trial in which the popular talents of the 
young advocate were displayed, was that of two Ger- 
mans, the father and son, who were charged with 
murder in the first degree. The circumstances of tiie 
case were aggravated, and the general expectation of 
the commuuity was, that nothing could save the necks 
of the culprits from the halter. Mr. Clay, never- 
theless, undertook their defence. The fact of the 
commission of the deed was clearly proved, and the 
only resource of the advocate was, to endeavor to 
diminish the grade of the crime in^he estimation of 



20 THELIFEANDTIMES 

tlie court and jnr}-. After a Ijiborions cortest of five 
din's, the verdict of tl)e jury was miuislauiihter. But 
the resources of the young counsellor were not yet 
exliausted ; and he immediately moved for an arrest 
of judgment, supporting the motion with such [>lau- 
sible and conclusive arguments, that the court was 
compelled to grant it. The result was, that the de- 
fendants were eventuallvdischarijed; but the conclusion 
of tlie scene was as sino:ularas were the ahilitv and sue- 
cess of the advocate. The wife and mother of the ac- 
cused, who had })een present in the court during tlie 
trial, watching every step and vicissitude of its progress 
with the most anxious attention, as soon as she learned 
that her husband and son were set at liberty, rushed 
forward to the bar, and in the presence of the crowd, 
threw her arms around the neck of their deliverer, 
and overwhelmed him with caresses. Such a demon- 
stration was doubtless much more complimentarv to 
the talents than agreeable to the feelings of the youth- 
ful and blushing advocate. 

Another case of similar character which mav be 
mentioned, was that of a person named Willis, who 
had committed a murder under circumstances of atro- 
cious guilt. Mr. Clay defended him, and after a pro- 
tracted trial, the jury were unable to agree upon a 
verdict. The result was, tluit a new trial was ordered, 
and Mr. Clay again appeared for the defendant. He 
immediately put in the plea, well known to the com- 
mon law, that no person can be twice put in jeopardy 
of his life upon the same charge. The court replied, 
that such a plea could not be received, and forbade 
the clerk to enter it. Mr. Clay thereu})on informed 



F H E N R Y C L A Y . 21 

tlie jnclges, that he would abandon the case if such a 
det-it^ion was insisted on, and immediately withdrew 
from the court. By this decisive step, the whole re- 
sponsibility of violating what seemed to be an acknow- 
ledged principle of law, was thrown upon the judges; 
and either their ignorance or their fears counselled 
them not to assume it. They consequently sent a 
messenger after the retreating lawyer, requesting him 
to return. He complied, and was then informed that 
he might proceed in the conduct of the case as he 
pleased. Mr. Clay then argued the point more at 
length, insisting that a previous trial was equiva- 
lent in eifect to a plea of autrefoits acquit, or a former 
acquittal ; and that on that ground, his client was en- 
titled to his discharge. The resolution and ingenuity 
of the advocate prevailed, and a verdict of not guilty 
was ultimately rendered. 

It is doubtless true that cases of ability and success 
similar to these, occur in the early career of all law- 
yers of superior capacities, and are in themselves 
nothing miraculous; nevertheless, they were appro- 
priate to the character and talents of Mr. Clay, and 
deserve t(^ be recorded, as forming part of the first 
professional triumphs of a man who afterward achieved 
so very distinguished a destiny. 

The transition from the pursuits of the legal pro- 
fession to tiiose of a political life was very natural, 
and almost inevitable in the case of a young aspirant 
after fame^and fortune as gifted as Mr. Clay; and ac- 
cordingly we find, that as early as 1798, when the 
inhabitants of Kentucky were about to elect the dele- 
gates to a Convention to frame a new State Constitu-_ 



22 T II E L I F E A X D T I M E S 

lion, Mr. Clay took a part in the discussions which 
accompanied that movement. The most remarkahle 
feature in the new Constitution which was proposed, 
%vas the gradual abolition of slavery in the State. 
Tlie plan which he favored was, that the generation 
of slaves then livins: should remain in bondasre; but 
tliat all negroes born in the State after a certain period, 
should be free. He published a series of articles in 
the Kentucky Gazette at Lexington, over the signa- 
ture of Scaevola^ defending this policy; and he advo- 
cated it in his public speeches. But the step was un- 
acceptable to the people ; lie and those who approved 
of his views w^ere o-reatly in the minority; the mea- 
sure was completely crushed at the time; and ^[r. 
Clay lost tliereby much of his popularity. Neverthe- 
less, he adhered consistently to the opinions on the 
the subject of slavery which he then defended, through- 
out his whole subsequent career. lie reiterated the 
same sentiments on many occasions with great bold- 
ness. Thus when addressins^ the American Coloni- 
zation Society at Washington, in January, 1827, he 
thus expressed liimself: 

" The population of the United States being, at 
this time, estimated at about ten millions of the Euro- 
pean race, and two of the African, on the supposition 
of the annual colonization of a number of the latter, 
equal to the annual increase of both of its classes 
(bond and free), during the whole period necessary to 
the process of du|)licati()n of our numbers, they would, 
at the end of that period, relatively stand twenty 
millions for the white and two for the black portion. 
I>ut an annual exportation of a number equal to the 



OFHENRYCLAY. 23 

annual increase, at the beginning of the term, and 
persevered in to the end of it, would accomplish more 
than to keep the parent stock stationary. The colo- 
nists would comprehend more than an equal propor- 
tion of those of the prolific ages. Few of those who 
had passed that age, would migrate. So that the an- 
nual increase of those left behind, would continue 
gradually, but at first insensibly, to diminish ; and by 
the expiration of the period of duplication, it would 
be found to have materially abated. But it is not 
merely the greater relative safety and happiness, 
which would, at the termination of that period, be 
the condition of the whites. Their ability to give 
further stimulus to the cause of colonization will have 
been doubled, while the subjects on which it would 
have to operate, will have decreased, or remained sta- 
tionary. If the business of colonization should be 
regularly continued during two periods of duplication, 
at the end of the second, the whites would stand to 
the blacks, as forty millions to not more than two, 
while the same ability will have quadrupled. Even 
if colonization should then altogether cease, the pro- 
portion of the African to the European race will be so 
small, tliat the most timid may then for ever dismiss 
all ideas of danger from within or witliout, on ac- 
count of that incongruous and perilous element in our 
population. 

"Further: by the annual withdrawal of fifty-two 
thousand persons of color, there would be an annual 
space created for an equal number of the white race. 
The period, therefore, of the duplication of the whites, 



ill T II E L I F E A N D T I M E S 

by the laws wliich govern population, would be ac- 
celerated. 

" Such is the extension and use which may be made 
of the principle of colonization, in application to our 
slave population, by those states which are alone com- 
petent to undertake and execute it. All. or any one 
of the states, which tolerate slavery, may adojtt and 
execute it, by co-operation, or separate exertion. 

*'If I could be instrumental in eiadicatinor this 
deepest stain from the character of our country, and 
removing all cause of reproach on account of it, by 
foreign nations; if I could only be instrumental in 
riddins: of this foul blot that revered State that i^ave 
me birtli, or that not less beloved State which kindly 
adopted me as her son ; I would not exchange the 
proud satisfaction which I should enjoy, for the honor 
of all the triumphs ever decreed to the most success- 
ful conqueror. 

""VVe are reproached with doing mischief by the 
agitating of this question. Collateral consequences 
we are not responsible for. It is not this society, 
which has produced tlie great moral revolution, which 
the aice exhibits. What would thev, who thus re- 
proach us, have done? If they would repress all 
tendencies tcnvard liberty, and ultimate emancipation, 
they must do more than put down the benevolent 
efforts of this society. They must go back to the era 
of our liberty and independence, and muzzle the 
cannon, which thunders its annual joyous return. 
They must revive the slave-trade, with all its train of 
atrocities. They must bhnv out tlie moral lights around 
us, and extinguish that greatest torch of all, which 



OF HENUY CLAY. 25 

America presents to a beiii2:litecl world, pointins^ the 
way to their rights, their liberties, and their happi- 
ness. And when they have achieved all these pur- 
poses, their work will yet be incomplete. They must 
penetrate the human soul, and eradicate the liirht of 
reason, and the love of liberty. Then, and not till 
then, when universal darkness and despair prevail, 
can you perpetuate slavery, and repress all sympa- 
thies, and all humane and benevolent efforts amonor 
freemen, in behalf of the unhappy portion of our race 
doomed to bondas^e." 

In another speech, on the same subject, delivered 
at Frankfort, Kentucky, December 17, 1829, at the 
anniversary of the Kentucky Colonization Society, 
Mr. Clay uttered the following sentiments: 

** More than thirty years ago an attempt was made, 
in this commonwealth, to adopt a system of gradual 
emancipation, similar to that which the illustrious 
Franklin had mainly contributed to introduce, in 
1780, in the State founded by the benevolent Penn. 
And among the acts of my bfe, which I look back to 
witli most satisfaction, is that of my having co-ope- 
rated, with other zealous and intelligent friends, to 
procure the establishment of that system in this 
Stale. "We believed that the sura of good, which 
would be attained by the State of Kentucky, in a 
gradual emancipation of her slaves, would far trans- 
scend the aggregate of mischief which might result 
to herself and the Union together, from the gradual 
liljeiaiion of them, and their dispersion and residence 
in the United States. We were overpowered by num- 
bers, but submitted to the decision of the majority, 
3 



26 T H E M F K AND TIMES 

with a irrace wliicli tlie niinority, in a republic, should 
over yield to such a decision. I have, n-everthelcss, 
never ceased, and never shall cease, to regret a deci- 
sion, the effects of wliich have been to place us in the 
rear of our neighbors who are exeni})t from slavery, 
in the state of agriculture, the progress of manufac- 
tures, the advance of improvements, and the general 
piosj)erity of society'. Is there no remedy? Must 
we endure perpetually all the undoubted mischiefs of 
a siate of slavery, as it affects both the free and bond 
portions of tliese States? What mind is sufficiently 
extensive in its reach, what nerves sufficiently strong, 
to contemplate this vast and progressive augmentation 
[of the slave population] without an awful foreboding 
of the tremendous consequences? 

"When we consider the cruelty of the orio^ln of 
ne£:ro-slaverv, its nature, tl^e character of the free in- 
stitutions of the whites, and the irresistible progress 
of public o[»inion, throughout America, as well as in 
Europe, it is impossible not to anticipate frequent in- 
surrections among the blacks in the United States; 
they are rational beings, like ourselves, capable of 
feeling, of reiiection, and of judging of what natural!}' 
belongs to them as a portion of the human race. By 
the verv condition of the relation wliich suhsists be- 
tween us, we are enemies of each other. '^I'hey know 
well the wrongs which their ancestors suffered, at the 
liands of our ancestors, and the wrongs which they 
believe they continue to endure, although they nuiy 
be unable to avenge them. They are kept in subjec- 
tion only by the superior intelligence and superior 
power of the predominant race. 



F H E N R Y C L A Y . 27 



"If we were to invoke the greatest blessing on earth, 
which Heaven, in its mere}', could now bestow on 
this nation, it would be the separation of the two 
most numerous races of its population, and their com- 
fortable establishment in distinct and distant coun- 
tries. To say nothing of the greatest difficulty in the 
formation of our present happy Constitution, v/hich 
aro;^e out of this mixed condition of our people; 
nothing of the distracting Missouri question, which 
was so threatening; nothing of others springing from 
the same fruitful source, which yet agitate us, who 
can contemplate the future, without the most awful 
a[)prehensions? Who, if this promiscuous residence 
of whites and blacks, of freemen and slaves, is for 
ever to continue, can imagine the servile wars, the 
carnage and the crimes, which will be its probable 
consequences, without shuddering with horror?" 

Notwithstanding the temporary unpopularity which 

the utterance of sentiments such as these, or of simi- 
lar import, threw upon him, Mr. Clay soon regained 
the favor of the people of Kentucky, to whom he had 
by this time become known as a rising young lawyer 
and politician of unequalled abilities; and four years 
after, in 1803, while he was absent at the Olympian 
Springs, he was nominated and elected a member of 
the General Assembly of his ado[)ted State. One 
means by which he had regained the popular favor, 
was the energy and zeal with which he had con- 
demned the alien and sedition huvs which were passed 
during the administration of John Adams. The 
alien law authorized the President to order any alien 
or foreigner whom he chose to consider dangerous to 



i!8 T II K L I F K AND T I M E S 

the peace and safety of the country, to leave it, or he 
ini|»risono(l for three years. By the sedition law, he 
^vas invested with full power to punish all oflences of 
speech and of the press. These measures, which iMr. 
CUiy regarded as anti-repuhlican, he o[)posed with 
his utmost ability; and such opposition was consist- 
ent with the doctrines which he held as a JeiFerso- 
iiian Democrat. It was under this banner, and in 
conjunction with this party, that he commenced his 
political career, and whatever measures promoted the 
enjoyment of the largest degree of freedom, consist- 
ent with the stability of society, the administration 
of law, and the rights of others, he was disposed to 
advocate. In this instance he was on the popular 
side, and the result was, his first election to an office 
in the gift of the people. 

The most important measure which Mr. Clay ad- 
vocated during his term of service in the Legislatn'-o, 
was the removal of the State capital from Frankfort. 
In his speech on that occasion he is said to have com- 
pared in a humorous vein the unfitness of the loca- 
tion of that city to an inverted hat. Frankfort was 
the body of the hat, the surrounding high lands and 
bluffs were the brim. The place resembled Kature's 
great penitentiary; and was in no respect suited to 
the distinction of being the capital of the Common- 
wealth. The Legislature finally resolved to make 
the proposed removal ; but as no suitable locality was 
ever afterward chosen, Frankfort still remained the 
seat of government. 

Mv. Cliiy was married in April, 179/, a year and a 
half after his removal to Kentucky, to Miss Lucretia 



OF HENRY CLAY. 



29 



Hart. (]aiio:hter of Colonel Hart, one of the mopf es- 
teemed and respectable citizens of Lexington. Mrs. 
Clay was a native of Hagerstown, Maryland, and 
fonr years vouno-er than lier distins^nished hnsl)and. 
A k)no^ life of domestic felicity afterward crowned 
their union ; and a family of eleven children sncces- 
siveh' graced their family circle; of whom a large 
proportion died in earl}' life. One of his surviving 
sons fell with honor in his country's service, on the 
blood-stained field of Buena Yista, in 1847. 



3* 



30 TUELIFEANDTIMES 



CHAPTEE III. 

MR. clay's defence OF AARON BURR — HIS ELECTION TO THE UNITED 
STATES SENATE— ANNOUNCING HIS SYSTEM OF "INTERNAL IMPROVE- 
MENT" HIS SUBSEQUENT ELECTION TO THE KENTUCKY LEGISLA- 
TURE HIS DUEL AVITH MR. HUMPHREY MARSHALL HIS SERVICES 

IN THE LEGISLATURE HIS RE-ELECTION TO THE U. S. SENATE HIS 

SPEECH ON THE PERDIDO TRACT. 

In the year 1806 Mr. Clay became engaged in pro- 
fessional duties which brought him into intimate rela- 
tions with the celebrated Aaron Burr. A short time 
previous to this event, two men named Wood and 
Street, had removed from Virginia to Fraukfort, in 
Kentucky, and had established a newspaper under the 
title of the ''The Western World," in which they 
charged several prominent persons in that State with 
being engaged in projects and conspiracies having for 
their object the separation of some of the Southwest- 
ern States from the Confederacy. Amonor those thus 
chartred was Judi^-e Innis, whose hiirh character should 
liave protected him from such an imputation, lie 
prosecuted the editors of this paper for libel, and re- 
covered exemplar}' damages. Mr. Clay represented 
the Judge in this suit, and displayed his usual skill 
and abilitv in its conduct. 

Shortly afterward public rumor charged Aaron Burr 
with treasonable desii^ns against the Federal Govern- 



OF HENRY CLAY, 3] 

ment; and he was arrested when passing through 
Kentucky at the instance of Colonel Daviess, then 
the United States District Attorney for that district. 
As Mr. Clay's reputation was already very great as an 
advocate, Burr's first step was to retain him for his 
defence; and as all the other rumors and charges of 
treason which had been prevalent had been proven to 
be false and groundless, Mr. Clay inferred that Mr. 
Burr was also an innocent victim of public and wan- 
ton shmder. He as^reed to defend Burr on tlie trial : 
but when the indictment was sent in to the Grand 
Jury, they deemed the evidence insufficient, and ig- 
nored the bill. Burr was soon afterward arrested 
again, and again reliiined Mr. Clay; but as the latter 
had recently been elected to a high ofiice in the Fede- 
ral Government, he declined to accept the trust unless 
Mr. Burr would give him a written assurance of his 
entire innocence. This assurance Burr srave in the 
followino^ lano:ua£>:e: 

"I have no design, nor have I taken any measure, 
to promote a dissolution of tlie Union, or tlie separa- 
tion of any one or more States from the residue. I 
have neither publisbed a line on this sul)ject, nor has 
any one through my agenc}^ or with my knowledge. 
I have no design to intermeddle with the Govern- 
ment, or to disturb the tranquillity of the United 
States, or of the territories, or any part of them. I 
have neither issued, nor signed, nor promised, any 
commission to any person, for any purpose. I do 
not own a musket nor ba^'onet, nor any single 
article of military stores, nor does any person f(.)r 
ine, by my authority, or with my knowledge. My 



32 THELIFEANDTIMES 

views have been fully explained to and approved hy 
several of the principal ofKcers of Government, and, 
I believe, are well understood by the Administration, 
and seen by it with complacency; they are such as 
every man of honor, and every good citizen, must 
ai'}»rove. Considering the high station you now till 
in our national councils, I have thought these expla- 
nations proper, as well to counteract the chimerical 
tales which malevolent persons liave so industriously 
circulated, as to satisfy you that you have not espoused 
the cause of a man in any way unfriendly to the laws 
or the interests of the country'." 

The Grand Jury, however, ignored the bill a second 
time, and again Mr. Clay escaped the necessity of 
defending a traitor; but subsequently, in 1815, when 
lie returned from Glient, and visited Mr. Jefferson at 
"Washington, the latter placed before him such indis- 
putable proofs of Burr's guilt, that he was convinced 
of the falsehood of his protestations of innocence. 
Accordingly, when Clay and Burr accidentally met 
in New York soon after, and when the latter wished 
to renew their friendly relations, Mr. Clay declined 
the proffer, and repulsed his advances. 

In 1806 Mr. Clay was elected by the Legislature of 
Kentucky to fill a vacancy in the Seiiate of the United 
States, occasioned by the resignation of IIoii. John 
i Adair. It was certainly a rare and singular honor for 
a young man of thirty years of age, to be chosen to 
occupy 60 high and responsible a post. The ability 
and industry which he exhibited in his new office, 
however, soon convinced the public that tlie trust had 
not been misplaced. lie took an active part in the 



OF HENRY CLAY. 3? 

discussions which occupied the attention of the Sen- 
ate ; and among other tljings offered and advocated a 
resohition which proposed the appropriation of a 
quantity of land for the opening of a canal, to be cut 
around the rapids of the Ohio River, on the Kentucky 
shore. The merit of this movement on the part of 
Mr. Clay consisted in the fact that appropriations for 
internal improvements were, at that early period, a 
novelty in Federal legislation, and this proposition 
possessed the nature and aspect of a pioneer in that 
commendable policy. This was also the first illus- 
tration of the great system of Internal Improvements 
to which Mr. Clay was attached through life, and in 
the promotion of which many of his ablest and most 
successful efforts were made. This is the policy to 
which the term "American Sj'stem" has been so ap- 
propriately applied, as tending to promote the interests 
of this country, in opposition to that of foreign gov- 
ernments and communities. This great doctrine was 
embodied and expressed in the following resolution, 
which he proposed and advocated at this period, and 
which was passed with but three opposing votes: 

^'' Besolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be 
directed to prepare and report to the Senate, at their 
next session, a plan for the application of such means 
as are within the power of Congress, to the purposes 
of opening roads and making canals ; together with 
a statement of undertakings of that nature, which, as 
objects of public improvement, may require and de- 
serve the aid of Government; and, also, a statement 
of works, of the nature mentioned, which have been 
commenced, the progress which has been made iu 





?A T II !•: L I F E A XI) T I ^l K S 

them, and the means and prospect of their bcins; com- 
pleted ; and all such information as, in the opinion 
of the Secretary, shall be material in relation to tho 
objects of this resolution." 

The office to Ull which Mr. Clay had been choser^, 
expired at the end of the first session of liis incum- 
bency. In the summer of 1807, he was elected to 
represent the citizens of Fayette County in the Ken- 
tucky Legislature. He displayed his usual ability 
and zeal in this important post; and among the most 
eftective speeches which he delivered, was one in op- 
position to a proposition to exclude all references to 
English decisions and law reports, or elementary 
works on British law, in the trial of causes in the 
courts of Kentucky. Before he addressed the House 
on this subject, a large majority of the members were 
in favor of it. So strong was the prejudice which 
then existed against English despotism, either politi- 
cal or juridical, that it was deemed a step toward the 
more complete renioval of the yoke which had once 
been worti by Americans, to overturn the authority 
which English jurisprudence still exercised over the 
minds of American lawyers, and over the decisions 
of American courts. The sagacious mind of Mr. 
Clay readily discerned the falsehood and folly of this 
doctrine, and he opposed it with all his abilities. He 
depicted the absurdity of depriving ourselves of those 
great and invaluable stores of legal learning which 
liad been elaborated during the lapse of several ages, 
by the patient toils of the most gifted and powerful 
intellects which the world had ever seen, simply be- 
cause they were identified with British institutions 



OF nENRY CLAY. 85 

and interests. He amended the motion so that it re- 
lated only to the exclusion of those decisions which 
had been made subsequent to the 4th of July, 1776, 
and carried his proposition by a very large majority. 

It was during this term of service in the Lec^islature 
of Kentucky, in December, 1808, that he introduced 
a series of resolutions approving the Embargo, con- 
demning the British Orders in Council, and asserting 
that Mr. Jefferson deserved the thanks of his country 
for the ability, energy, and patriotism which he had 
displayed during his administration of public alfairs. 
These resolutions were opposed with great bitterness 
by Humphrey Marshall ; and when afterward Mr. Clay 
proposed that the members of the Legislature should 
wear no clothing except such as was of domestic 
manufacture. Air. Marshall denounced the proposition 
as the expedient of a demagogue, and held it np to 
ridicule. The result of such displays of personal 
animosity, which Mr. Clay resented with much spirit, 
was, that a hostile meeting subsequently took place 
between the rival statesmen. Both parties were 
slightly wounded, and the quarrel was then settled 
by the interposition of mutual friends. 

Mr. Clay still continued to be the recipient of pub- 
lic offices of trust from the Legislature of his adopted 
State. He was chosen to fill the vacancy occasioned 
in the Senate of the "United States by the resignation 
of Mr. Thurston ; and in the winter term of 1809-10, 
he represented Kentucky in the Senate. The i)eriod 
for which he was elected to serve was two years; and 
during that interval he took a prominent part in all 
the important discussions which engaged the atten 



8n THELIFEANDTIMES 



*j 



tion of the Federal Government. His ablest ppeech, 
at this period of his career, was delivered in the dis- 
cussion of the validity of the claim of the United 
States to the territory lying between the Mississippi 
and Perdido rivers, which comprised the larger por- 
tion of Western Florida. This territory was claimed 
by Spain as a part of her Florida possessions. Mr. 
Madison, who was then President, had issued a pro- 
clamation, assertino; that this tract belono;ed to the 
Orleans territory, and theref >re subject to the jurisdic- 
tion of the United States. The party in the nation, 
and in Congress opposed to Mr. Madison's administra- 
tion, usually termed the Federalist, condemned this 
position, and asserted that the territory belonged to 
Spain, and that England, as her ally, should assist 
her in defending her pretensions and her prerogatives 
over it. Mr. Clay vehemently and eloquently de- 
fended Mr. Madison and his positions. The speech 
which he delivered on this occasion w^as the ablest 
wdiich liad yet proceeded from him in the N^ational 
Legislature. The spirit and tone which characterized 
it rnay be inferred from the following extracts: 

"What, tlien, is the true construction of the Trea- 
ties of St. Ildefonso, and of April, 1803, whence our 
title is derived? If any ambiguity exist in a grant, 
the interpretation most favorable to the grantee is pre- 
ferred. It was the duty of the grantor to ex[)ress 
himself in plain and intelligible terms. This is the 
doctrine, not of Coke only (whose dicta, I admit, have 
nothing to do with the question), but of the code of 
universal law. The doctrine is entitled to augmented 
force, when a clause only of the instrument is ex 



OFHENRYCLAY. 3"? 

hibited, in which clause tlie ambifruity lurks, and the 
residue of the instrument is kept back by the grantor. 
The entire Convention of 17G2, bj- which France 
transferred Louisiana to Spain, is concealed, and the 
whole of the Treaty of St. Ildefonso, except a solitary 
clause. We are thus deprived of the aid which a full 
view of both of those instruments would afford. But 
we have no occasion to resort to any rules of construc- 
tion, however reasonable in themselves, to establish 
our title. A conipetent knowledge of the facts con- 
nected with the case, and a candid appeal to the Trea- 
ties, are alone sufficient to manifest our rio:ht. The 
ne^-otiators of the Treaty of 1803 havins: siirned, with 
the same ceremony, two copies, one in English and 
the other in the French lani2:ua«:e, it has been con- 
tended that in the English version, the term 'cede' 
has been erroneously used instead of 'retrocede,' 
which is the expression in the French copy. And it 
is argued that we are bound by the phraseology of the 
French copy, because it is declared that the Treaty 
was agreed to in that language. It would not be 
very unfair to inquire if this is not like the common 
case in private life, where individuals enter into a 
contract, of which each party retains a copy, duly 
executed. In such case, neither has the preference. 
We might as well say to France, we will cling by the 
English copy, as slie could insist upon an adherence 
to the French copy; and if she urged ignorance on 
the part of M. Marbois, her negotiator, of our lan- 
guage, we might with equal propriety plead ignor- 
ance on the part of our neo-otiators of her lan^uao:e. 
As this, however, is a disputable point, I do not avail 
4 



38 T II E L I F E A N D T I M E S 

myself of it; gentlemen shall have the full benefit of 
tlie expressions in the French copy. According to 
this, then, in reciting the Treaty of St. Ihlefcmso, it is 
dechirecl by Spain, in 1800, that she retrocedes to 
France the Colony or Province of Louisiana, with the 
same extent which it then had in the hands of Spain, 
and which it had when France possessed it, and such 
as it should be after the Treaties subsequently entered 
into between Spain and other States. This latter 
member of the description has been sufficiently ex- 
plained by my colleague. 

"It is said that since France, in 1762, ceded to 
Spain only Louisiana west of the Mississippi, and the 
Island of Xew Orleans, the retrocession comprehended 
no more — that the retrocession ex vi termini was com- 
mensurate with, and limited by, the direct cession 
from France to Spain. If this were true, then the 
description, such as Spain held it, that is in 1800, 
comprising West Florida, and such as France pos- 
sessed it, that is in 17G2, prior to the several cessions, 
comprising also West Florida, would be totally in- 
operative. But the definition of the term retrocession 
contended for 1)V the other side, is denied. It docs 
not exclude the instrumentality of a third party. It 
means restoration, or re-conveyance of a thing origin- 
ally cedi^l, and so the c^entleman from Delaware ac- 
knowledi^ed. I admit that the tliino- restored must 
liave come to the restoring party from the party to 
whom it is retroceded: whether directly, or indircctlv, 
is wholly immaterial. In its passage it may haye 
come through a d(jzen hands. The retroceding party 
must claim under ard in virtue of the right originally 



OF HENRY C L zV T . 89 

possessed by the party to whom the retrocession takes 
place. Allow me to put a case : You own an estate 
called Louisiana. You convey one moiety of it to 
the gentleman from Delaware, and the other to me; 
he conveys his moietv to me, and I thus become enti- 
tied to the whole. By a suitable instrument I re- 
convey, or retrocede, the estate called Louisiana to 
you as I now hold it, and as you held it; what passes 
to you ? The whole estate, or my moiety only ? Let 
me indulge another supposition — that the gentleman 
from Delav/are, after he received from you his moiety, 
bestowed a new denomination upon it, and called it 
"West Florida, would that circumstance vary the 
operation of my act of retrocession to you ? The case 
supposed is, in truth, the real one between the United 
States and Spain. France, in 1762, transfers Louis- 
iana, west of the Mississippi, to Spain, and at the 
same time conveys the eastern portion of it, exclusive 
of New Orleans, to Great Britain. Twenty-one years 
after, that is, in 1783, Great Britain cedes her part 
to Spain, who thus becomes possessed of the entire 
province — one portion by direct cession from France, 
and the residue by indirect cession. Spain then held 
the whole of Louisiana under France, and in virtue 
of the title of France. The whole moved or passed 
from France to her. When, therefore, in this state 
oL" things, she says, in the Treaty of St. Iklefonso, 
that she, retrocedes the province to France, can a 
doubt exist that she parts with, and gives back to 
France, the entire colony? To preclude the possi- 
bility of such a doubt, she adds, that she restores it, 
not in a mutilated condition, but in that precise cou- 



40 THELIFEANDTIMES 

(lition in which France had, and she herself, pos* 
sessed it. 

*'IIavin<r thus shown, as I conceive, a clear riiiht 
in the United States to West Florida, I proceed to 
inquire if the proclamation of the President, direct- 
ing the occupation of property which is thus fairly 
acquired hy solemn treaty, be an unauthorized mea- 
sure of war, and of legislation, as has been contended? 

"The Act of October, 1803, contains two sections, 
by one of which the President is authorized to occupy 
the territories ceded to us by France in the April pre- 
ceding. The other empowers the President to esta- 
blish a provisional government there. The first sec- 
tion is unlimited in its duration ; the other is restricted 
to the expiration of tlie then session of Congress. The 
Act, therefore, of March, 1804, declaring that the pre- 
vious Act of October should continue in force until 
the 1st ot October, 1804, is applicable to the second, 
and not the first section, and was intended to con- 
tinue the provisional government of the President. 
By the Act of 24tli February, 1804, for laying duties 
on goods imported into the ceded territories, the Pre- 
sident is em[K>\vered, wlienever he deems it expedient, 
to erect the Bay and River Mobile, &c., into a sepa- 
rate district, and to establish therein a port of entry 
and delivery. By this same act the Orleans Territory 
is laid off, and its boundaries are so defined as to com- 
prehend West Florida. By other acts, the President 
is authorized to remove by force, under certain cir- 
cumstances, persons settling on or taking possession 
of lands ceded to the United States. 

*' These laws furnish a legislative conbtructiou of 



OFHENRYCLAT. 41 

the treatv, correspond ins: with that o:iven bv the Exe« 
cutive; and thej indisputably vest, in tliis branch of 
the General Government, the power to take posses- 
sion of the country, whenever it niii>;ht be proper, in 
his discretion. The President has not, therefore, 
violated the Constitution, and usurped the war-making 
power; but he would have violated that provision 
which requires him to see that the hxws are faithfully 
executed, if he had longer forborne to act. It is urged 
that he has assumed powers belonging to Congress, 
in undertaking to annex the portion of West Florida, 
between the Mississipj)! and the Perdido, to the Or- 
leans Territory. But Congress, as has been shown, 
lias alread}^ made this annexation, the limits of the 
Orleans Territory, as prescribed by Congress, compre- 
hending the country in question. The President, by 
his proclamation, has not made law, but has merely 
declared to the people of West Florida what the law 
is. This is the office of a proclamation, and it was 
highly proper that the people of that Territory should 
be tlius notitied. By the act of occup3'ing the coun- 
try, the government de facto^ whether of Spain or the 
revolutionists, ceased to exist; and the laws of the 
Orleans Territory, applicable to the country, by the 
operation and force of law attached to it. But this 
was a state of things which the people might not 
knciw, and which every dictate of justice and humanity 
tlierefore required should be proclaimed. I consider 
the bill before us merely in the light of a declaratory 
law." 

4* 



42 T JI E L 1 F K AND T I M E S 



CIIAPTEE lY. 

PROPOSAL TO RECIIARTER THE UNITED STATES BAXK — MR. CLAY OP- 
POSES IT — SUBSEQUENT CHANGE IN HIS OPINIONS — REASONS FOR 
THAT CHANGE MR. CLAY ELECTED TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESEN- 
TATIVES — IS CHOSEN SPEAKER — ENGLISH AND FRENCH HOSTILITIES 
AGAINST THE UNITED STATES — MR. CLAY IN FAVOR OF WAR WITH 

ENGLAND HOSTILITIES COMMENCED EVENTS OF THE WAR — MR. 

CLAY APPOINTED COMMISSIONER TO GHENT — TREATk" OF PEACE 

MR. clay's return HOME. 

DuPvTxa the session of Consrress which was held in 
the winter of 1811, the most exciting and important 
snhject whicli demanded the attention of the Federal 
lie[»resentatives, was th.e proposition to renew the 
charter of the United States Bank. The Leij^islatnre 
►c>f Kentucky had instructed Mr. Chiy to oppose tliat 
measure ; and this suggestion corresponded with the 
sentiments wliich he himself entertained at that time. 
It is well known that he suV)sequentlv cliann:ed liis 
opinions on this suhject, and the reasons which he 
gave for this apparent inconsistency, — the only one of 
a theoretical kind ^vl^K'h his political and i)ers()nal 
()]>ponents were ever able to allege against him, — de- 
serve to be stated. 

The ar<z:unients which had convinced him of the 
impropriety of rcchartering the hank in 1811 were 
tliree : 1. lie believed that the corporation had abused 



/ 



A 



OF II EN RY CLAY. 4'J 

their powers during tlie previous period of tlieir exist- 
ence. 2. The authority to create a corporation like 
that of the United States Bank, was not specifically 
o-ranted in the Federal Constitution. 3. His consti- 
tuents had expressly instructed him to vote against 
tlie measure. At a suhsequent period he became con- 
vinced of the fallacv of the ars^uments which were 
urged in opposition to the Bank ; and in a speech de- 
livered in Lexington. Kentucky, in 1816, he stated at 
length the considerations which had altered his con- 
victions on the subject. These are so important, and 
the question is in itself of so grave a nature, that we 
may appropriately quote an extract from his speech 
on that occasion : 

''How stood the case in 1816, when he was called 
upon again to examine tln^ power of the general 
government to incorporate a JN'ational Bank? A 
total chancre of circumstances was presented — events 
of the utmost magnitude had intervened. A gene- 
ral suspension of specie payments had taken place, 
and this had led to a train of consequences of the^ 
most alarming nature. He beheld, dispersed over 
the immense extent of the United States, about three 
hundred banking institutions, enjoying in different 
degrees the conhdence of the public, shaken as to 
them all, under no direct control of the General 
Government, and subject to no actual responsibility 
to the State authorities. These institutions were 
emitting the actual currency of the United States — a 
currency' consisting of a paper on which they neither 
paid interest nor principal, while it was exchanged 
for the paper of the community on which both were 



14 THE LIFE A N I) T I M E S 

t 

paid. lie saw those institutions in fact exercising 
what had been considered, at all times and in all 
countries, one of the liiirhest attributes of sove- 
rei<z:ntv, the re<xuUition of the current medium of the 
country. 'Jhev were no lonirer competent to assist 
the trcasni-y in eiihcr of tlie great operations of col- 
liH'tion, dcposite, or distribution, of the jtublic reve- 
nues. In fact, the p'jper which they enntted, and 
which the ti'easury, fr(n>i the force of events, found 
itself constrained to receive, was constantly obstruct- 
ing the operations of that do()artment. For it would 
accumulate where it was not wanted, and could not 
be used where it was wantcJ for tlie purposes of 
government, without a ruinous i\Tjd arbitrary broker- 
age. Every man who paid or received from the 
government, ]iaid or received as much less than he 
ought to have done, as was the difference between the 
medium in which the payment was effected and 
6[)ecie. Taxes were no longer uniform. In New 
England, where specie payments liave not been sus- 
" pended, the i)Co]ile were called upon to pay larger 
conti'ibutions than where they were suspended. In 
Kentucky as much more was paid by the people in 
their taxes than was paid, for example, in the State 
of Ohio, as Kentucky paper was worth more than 
Oliio paper. ^Ir. Clay said, he determined to examine 
the question with as little prejudice as possible arising 
from his former opinion. lie ktievv that the safest 
course to him, if he pursued a cold, calculating pru- 
dence, was to adhere to that opinion, right or wrong. 
He was perfectly aware, that if he changed, or seemed 
to change it, he should expose liimself to some ecu- 



OF HENRY CLAY. 45 

enre. But, lookins: at the sul>ject with the liglit sh^^cl 
upon it b}' events liappening since the coninient'ernent 
of the war, lie could no longer douht. A bank ai>- 
peared to him not onlv necessary, but indis])ensal) v 
necessary, in connection with another measure, to 
remedy the evils of which all were but too sensible. 
He preferred to the suggestions of the pride of con- 
sistency, the evident interests of the comnumity, and 
determined to throw himself upon their candor and 
justice. That which appeared to him in 1811, under the 
state of things then existing, not to be necessary to tlie 
General Government, seemed now to be necessarv, 
under the present state of things. Had he then foreseen 
what now exists, and no objection had lain against the 
renewal of the charter other than that derived from 
the Constitution, he should have voted for the removal. 
''Other provisions of the Constitution, but little 
noticed, if noticed at all, in the discussions in Con- 
gress in 1811, would seem to urge tliat body to exert 
all its powers to restore to a sound state the money 
of the country. That instrument confers upon Con- 
gress the power to coin money, and to regulate the 
value of foreign coins; and the States are [)rohibited 
to coin money, to emit bills of credit, or to make anv- 
thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment (»f 
debts. The plain inference is, that the subject of the 
general curi-ency was intended to be submitted exclu- 
sively to the General Government. In point of fact, 
however, the regulation of the general currency is in 
the hands of the State governments, or, which is the 
same thing, of the hanks created by them. Their 
paper has every quality of money, except that )t 



46 T H E L I F E A N D T I M E S 

bcin^ made a tender, and even tliis is imparted to it 
bv some States, in tlie law Ijy whicli a creditor mnst 
receive it, or snhmit to a ruinous suspension of tlie 
pM^rneiit of liis debt. It was incumbent upon Con- 
gress to recover tlie control wliicb it had lost over the 
general currency." 

During the period of Mr. Clay's soco-nd term of 
service in the Senate of the United States, a variety 
of important subjects came up for discussion in that 
bodv; in all of which he took a ]U'omiuent part. As 
a rewai'd for his services, and as a proof of their 
proper appreciation by bis constitutents, be was 
elected bv a larire maiority on tbe 4tb of November, 
1811, to re[>resent them in the Lower House at Wash- 
ington. On entering this branch of the ^N^ationa. 
Legislature, Mr. Clay received the rare compliment 
of being chosen Speaker, by a majority of thirty-one. 
It nnay be ])roper to remark here that this honor was 
conferred upon him continuously from 1811 till 1825, 
M except during his absence from the country as one of 
the Commissioners of the United States Governmc]it 
at Ghent, and at a subsequent period when he volun- 
tarily withdrew himself from public affairs. Seven 
terms successively was lie selected to fill that ditHcult 
and important post, — a distinction which we believe 
has fallen to the lot of no other American statesman. 
Xor is this phenomenon ditiicult of solution, when 
we remember the remark'able qualifications which 
Mr. (May possessed I'or that liiuh olHce. Ko man 
ever presided over the deliherations of a |)ul)lic as- 
Bcml'lv wiih more di<i:nitv, courtesy, and decision; 
none with a more fauiiliar acquaintance with all the 



OF HENRY CLAY. 47 

rules of parliamentary usage, and of the proprieties 
of debate, than be. 

That was an important and critical period in the 
history of the LFnited States. England and France 
had been perpetrating a long series of outrages on 
our commerce, and innumerable insults had been 
heaped on the national honor. The pretext by which 
the French Government excused the offensive acts 
of its citizens, was the legitimate operation of the 
Berlin and Milan Decrees of Napoleon. The English 
Government pretended to excuse the seizure of Ame- 
rican ships, and the confiscation of American pro- 
perty, on the ground that, as the United States had 
been the ally of France, they were justified in inclu- 
ding them in the operation of their retaliatory mea- 
sures. Serious and earnest remonstrances from the 
Federal Government, addressed to the French Empe- 
ror, resulted in the termination of the aggressive acts 
of liis subjects toward us; but England turned a deaf 
ear to every appeal, and treated every expostulation 
with contempt. 

This state of affairs continued durins: a year after 
the repeal of the decrees of Napoleon. In addition 
to the seizure of American vessels on the high seas, 
the impressment of American sailors in British poila 
was practised; and tlie insults which were offered to 
the fiao- of the United States became so extreme and 
glaring, that further forbearance not only ceased to 
be a virtue, but had degenerated into a craven vice. 
Nevertheless, two parties then existed among Ameri- 
can statesmen as to the policy and propriety of de- 
claring war against England. Mr. Clay became the 



48 THELIFEANDTIMES 

bold i\u(\ enthusiastic leader of the party in favor of 
dec-laiinu; war. In appointing* the committees of the 
House, he selected those whose views sym}:)athizcd 
with his own on this suhj^'ct. A resolution was offered, 
to the etfect that the United States be immediatelv 
put into tlie attitude of defence demanded bv the 
crisis. Mr. Clay advocated it, and anotlier of similar 
tendencv, providinsr for the raisini; of twentv-five 
thousand troops. He also advocated the increase of 
the navy, by the immediate construction of ten fri- 
gates. This bill was passed in the House in January, 
]812. On the 1st day of the succeeding April, the 
President, Mr. Madison, sent a messaire to ('onsj-ress 
recommendiuii^ that a o^eneral enibars^o be laid on all 
foreign vessels then in port. Mr. Clay declared in an 
able speech that he heartily a[)proved of the measure, 
because lie regarded it as a direct precursor to the 
proclamation of war. He became one of the most 
j>otent causes wliich eventually brought about that 
result. The law imposing an embargo was passed. 
On the 3rd <lay of June, 1812, a bill was reported by 
the ('ommitree on rorcii>'n Affairs, declarinir war be- 
tween (ireat Britain and the United States. On the 
18th of that month it jtassed both Houses of Con- 
gress, and immediately received the sanction of the 
President. The advocates of tiie war were necessarily 
called u|)()n to suggest the measures which were es- 
sential to increase the military resources of the coun- 
try ; and in the performance of this duty Mr. Clay 
exhihiti'd his usual enerixy and alulitv. He uru'cd the 
President to more active measures. He inspii-cd the 
Cabinet with his own enthusiasm. He infused in- 



OFilENRYCLAY. 49 

tender pntriotism and martial ardor into the generals 
of the Ropub'ic. 

At lengtli tlie war began. It was a bold under- 
taking for the United States, wliicli bad just begun 
llieir national existence, and were the youngest among 
tbe nations, to cope with the colossal and veteran 
power of the Mistress of the Seas, the only empire 
which could resist and defy the mighty Corsican. 
The lirst events of the war were not such as to in- 
crease the enthusiasm of its advocates. Araons: the 
disasters which occurred were the surrender of the fort 
and town of Detroit bv General Hull, and the defeat 
of General Van Rensselaer near ^iao:ara. iJnt soon 
these and other adverse events were compensated for, 
by the brilliant victories achieved bv American sea- 
men over the boasted navy of England. The frigate 
Constitution, commanded by Captain Hull, van- 
quished the British frigate Guerriere ; and other 
equally signilicant triumphs followed. It was not 
witliout opposition and ditlicalty that Mr. Clay suc- 
ceeded in carryins^ throucrh Con^-ress those measures 
which were necessary to provide the country with 
sufficient miiitary and naval resources to meet th.e 
exiij^encies of the crisis. In Januarv, 1813, a new 
arni3' bill was proposed, and advocated by him with 
great eloquence. Tlie following extract from his 
speech on that occasion will illustrate the spirit which 
actuated him, and tlie ability with which he spoke: 

*'If gentlemen would only reserve for their own 

Government, half the sensibility which is indulged 

for that of Great Britain, tiiey would tind mucli less 

to condemu. RestrxCtion after restriction has been 

5 D 



50 T II E L I F E A X D TI M E S 

tried; neirotiation lias been resorted to, until further 
negotiation would have been disgraceful. While 
these peaceful experiments are undergoing a triid, 
what is the conduct of the opposition ? Tliey are the 
champions of war— the proud— the spirited— the sole 
repository of the nation's honor — the men of exclu- 
sive vigor and energy. The Administration, on the 
contrary, is weak, feeble, and pusillanimous — 'inca- 
pable of being kicked into a war.' The maxim, 'not 
a cent for tribute, millions for defence,' is loudly pro- 
claimed. Isthe Administration for negotiation? The 
opposition is tired, sick, disgusted with negotiation. 
They want to draw the sword, and avenge the nation's 
wrongs. When, however, foreign nations, perhaps 
emboldened by the very opposition here made, refuse 
to listen to the amicable appeals which have been 
repeated and reiterated by the Administration, to 
their iustice and to their interest — when, in fact, war 
with one of them has become identified with our in- 
dependence and our sovereignty, and to abstain from 
it was no longer possible, behold the opposition veer- 
in o- round and becoming the friends of peace and 
commerce. They tell you of the calamities of war, 
its tragical events, the squandering away of your re- 
sources, the waste of the public treasure, and the 
spilling of innocent blood. ' Gorgon s, hydras, and 
chimeras dire.' They tell you, that honor is an illu- 
sion ! Now, we see them exliibiting the terrific forms 
of the roaring king of the forest. Now, the meek- 
ness and humility of the lamb! They are for war 
and no restrictions, when the Administration is for 
peace. They are for peace and restrictions, when tho 



F n E N R Y C L A Y . 51 

Administration is for war. You find them, sir, tack- 
ing with ever\' gale, displaying the colors of every 
party, and of all nations, steady only in one unalter- 
able purpose — to steer, if possible, into the haven of 
power. 

"During all this time, the parasites of opposition 
do not fail, by cunning sarcasm, or sly inuendo, to 
throw out the idea of French influence, which is 
known to be false, which ought to be met in one 
manner only, and that is by the lie direct. The Ad- 
ministratiou of this country devoted to foreign influ- 
ence ! The Administration of this country subser- 
vient to France! Great God! what a charire ! how 
is it so influenced ? By what ligament, on what basis, 
on what possible foundation does it rest? Is it simi- 
larity of language? :N"o! we speak different tongues, 
we speak the English language. On the resemblance 
of our laws? ]S'o ! the sources of our jurisprudence 
spring from another and a different country. On 
commercial intercourse? No! we have comparatively 
none with France. Is it from the correspondence in 
the genius of the two governments ? No ! here alone 
is the liberty of man secure from the inexorable des- 
potism ^\hich everywhere else tramples it under toot. 
Where, then, is the ground of sucn an intluence? 
But, sir, I am insulting you by arguing on such a 
subject. Yet, preposterous and ridiculous as the in- 
sinuation is^ it is propao^ated wiih so much industrv. 
that there are persons found foolish and credulous 
enough to believe it. You will, no doubt, think it 
incredible (but I have nevertheless been told it is a 
fact), that an honorable member of this House, now 



52 T II E L I F K A N D T I M E S 

in my eye, recetitly l^st liis election by the circulation 
of a sillv storv in liis district, that he was the first 
cousin of the Emperor Xapoleon." 

At h.Miijth the tide of victory turned, and the co1o- 
iiial power of old England quailed before the prowess 
and heroism of the young Ivcpublic. The Hornet, 
commanded by Captain Lawrence, vanquished tlie 
British sloop-of-war Peacock. York, the capital of 
Upper Canada, fell before the assaults of General 
Dearborn. General Harrison was triumphant at Fort 
Meigs. The Emperor Alexander, of Russia, oppor- 
tunely tendered his services as mediator between the 
conflicting parties, which oifervvasacceptediiy both. In 
consequence of this arrangement, Messrs. Clay, Galla- 
tin, Bayard, Adams and Russell, were chosen to repre- 
sent the United States at the conference which was ap- 
pointed to be held at Gottingen, to adjust the con- 
ditions of peace. The deliberations were afterwards 
transferred to Ghent. On the 14th of January, 1814, 
Mr. Clay resigned the office of Speaker in the House 
of Representatives, and soon afterward embarked on 
his distant mission. It was after his arrival in Brussels 
that he learned the disastrous news, that Washington 
had been sacked, and the public buildings burned by 
the British. He received the first intellio:ence of these 
events through the excessive and exultant courtesy 
of the English plenipotentiaries. It was his [»rivi- 
lege, however, soon afterward to reciprocate the 
com[)liment, by sending them the first information 
of the splendid naval triumph of the Americans on 
Lake Champlain. 

Luring the delil)erati()ns \\liich ensued, Mr. Chiy 



OFHENRTCLAY. 53 

took a distingnished part. Ilis bearins: toward the 
representatives of England was bold, fearless, and 
defiant. This policy, so unusual among the cautious 
and cringing agents of tyrants and monarchs, accom- 
plished much more than any other policy could have 
effected. The impression which he produced upon 
them may be inferred from the manner in which he 
was described, at tliat time, in the London journals; 
which, when speaking of the transactions transpiring 
at Ghent, referred to him as " that fni'ious orator, 
Clay; the man who had killed the terrible Tecumseli 
with his own hand, and cut several razor-strops out 
of his back after he was dead !" 

The terms of the treaty were at length successfully 
adjusted. Mr. Clay was in London when the decisive 
battle of Waterloo was fought, and witnessed the ex- 
ultation and joy which the English people very natu- 
rally displayed on that occasion. He there met the 
Duke of Wellington, Lord Castlereagh, and other 
distinguished personages — visited some of the no- 
bility at their palaces and country-seats by invitation 
— and returned to the United States in September, 
1815. On disembarking at New York, he was com- 
plimented with a public dinner; and on arriving at 
Lexington, in Kentucky, was greeted by a large out- 
pouring of the populace to welcome him to his home. 
A few days afterward a public dinner was tendered 
him by the leading inhabitants of that city. The 
sixth toast which was offered was as follows : " Our 
able negotiators at Ghent: their talents for diplo- 
macy have kept pace with the valor of our armiesc in 
demonstrating to the enemy that these States will bo 



5* 



.54 THELIFEANDTIMES 

free." In reply to tliis well-deserved compliment, 
Mr. Clay made the following remarks: 

"I feel myself called on, by the sentiment jnst ex- 
pressed, to retnrn my thanks, in behalf of my col- 
leagues and myself. I do not, and am quite sure 
they do not, feel that, in the service alluded to, they 
are at all entitled to the compliment which has been 
paid them. We could not do otlierwise than reject 
the demand made by the other party; and if our 
labors finally terminated in an honorable peace, it 
was owing to causes on this side of the Atlantic, and 
not to any exertions of ours. Whatever diversity of 
opinion may have existed as to the declaration of the 
war, there are some points on which all may look 
back with proud satisfaction. The first relates to the 
time of the conclusion of the peace. Had it been 
made immediately after the Treaty of Paris, we 
should have retired humiliated from the contest, be- 
lieving that we had escaped the severe chastisement 
with which we were threatened ; and that we owed 
to the generosit}^ and magnanimit}- of the enemy, 
what we were incapable of connnandin^: l)v our arms. 
That maicnanimitv would have been the theme of 
every tongue, and of every press, abroad and at home. 
We should have retired unconscious of our own 
streuo-th, and unconscious of the utter inabilitv of the 
enem}-, with his whole undivided force, to make any 
serious impression upon us. Our military character, 
then in the lowest state of degradation, would have 
been unretrieved. Fortunately for us. Great Bi'itaiu 
chose to try the issue of the last campaign. And the 
i*isue of the last campaign has demonstrated, in tho 



OFHENRYCLAY. 55 



u* 



repulse before Baltimore, the retreat from Platts- 
burgh, the liarcl-fought action ou the Niagara frontier, 
and in that most glorious day, the 8th of January, 
that we have always possessed the linest elements of 
military composition, and that a proper use of them 
only was necessary to ensure for the army and militia 
a fame as imperishable as that which the navy had 
previously acquired. 

*' Another point which appears to me to afford the 
highest consolation is, that we fought the most power- 
ful nation, perhaps, in existence, single-handed and 
alone, without any sort of alliance. More than thirty* 
years has Great Britain been maturing her physical 
means, which she had rendered as efiicacious as pos- 
sible, by skill, by discipline, and by actual service. 
Proudly boasting of the conquest of Europe, she vainly 
flattered herself with the easj- conquest of America 
also. Her veterans were put to flight, or defeated, 
while all Europe — 1 mean the government of Europe 
— w^as gazing with cold indifference, or sentiments 
of positive hatred of us, upon the arduous contest. 
Hereafter no monarch can assert claims of grati- 
tude upon us, for assistance rendered in the hour of 
dan ore r. 

" There ^s another view of which the subject of the 
war is fairly susceptible. From the moment that 
Great Britain came forward at Ghent with her extra- 
vasrant demands, the war totallv chan^^ed its charac- 
ter. It became, as it were, a new war. It was no 
longer an American war, prosecuted for redress of 
British aggressions upon American rights, but be- 
came a British war, prosecuted for objects of British 



\ 



5*J TIIELIFEANDTIMES 

ambition, to be accompanied by American sacnfi(?es. 
Anil what were those demands? Here, in the imme- 
diate neighborhood of a sister State and Territories, 
%vhich were to be made, in part, the victims, they 
mnst have been felt, and their enormity jnstly appre- 
ciated. They consisted of the erection of a barrier 
"between Canada and the United Stares, to be formed 
bv cnttinLT oif from Ohio, and some of the Territories, 
a conntrv more extensive than Great Britain, mn- 
taining thousands of freemen, who were to be aban- 
doned to their fate, and creating a new power, totally 
unknown, npon the continent of America: of the dis- 
mantling of our fortresses, and naval power on the 
lakes, wnth the surrender of the military occupation 
of those waters to the enemy, and of an arrotnN!<se' 
went for two British provinces. These demands, 
boldly asserted, and one of tbem declared to be a 
sine qua non, were finally relinquished. Taking this 
view of the subject, if there be a loss of reputation 
by either party, in the terms of the peace, who has 
sustained it? 

"The eiFects of the -war are highly satisfactory. 
Abroad our character, which, at the time of its decla- 
ration, was in the lowest state of degradation, is 
raised to the highest point of elevation. It is impos- 
sible for ajiy American to visit Europe, wnthout .bein^ 
sensible of this agreeable change, in the personal 
attentions which he receives, in the praises which are 
bestowed on our past exertions, and the predictions 
which are made as to our future prospects. At home, 
a governmeiit, which, at its formation, was appre- 
hended by its best friends, and pronounced by it? 



OFHENRYCLAY. 57 

enemies, to be incapable of standi ng tlie shock, is 
found to answer all the purposes of its institution. 
In spite of the errors which have been committed 
(and errors have undoubtedly been committed), aided 
by the spirit and patriotism of the people, it is demon- 
strated to be as competent to the objects of effective 
war, as it has been before proven to l)e to the C(^n- 
cerns of a season of peace. Government juis t ,iis 
acquired strength and confidence. Our prospects f >r 
the future are of the brightest kind. With every 
reason to count on tl^e permanence of peace, it re- 
mains oidy for the government to determine u[)on 
military and naval establishments adapted to the 
growth and extension of our countrv, and its risino- 
importance — keeping in view a gradual, but not 
burdensome, increase of the navy: to provide for the 
payment of the interest, and the redemption of the 
public debt, and for the current expenses of govern- 
ment. For all these objects, the existing sources of 
the revenue promises not only to be abundantly suffi- 
cient, but will probably leave ample scope to the ex- 
ercise of the judgment of Congress, in seler'ting for 
repeal, modification, or abolition, those which may 
be found most oppressive and inconvenient." 



58 T H E L I F E A X D T I M E S 



CHAPTER V. 

ESTARMSHMEXT OF A NATIOXAL BANK MR. CLAY's ADVOCACY OF 

IT PROPOSAL TO INCREASE THE SALARY OF REPRESENTATIVES 

MR. clay's VOTE ON THIS SUBJECT THE SOUTH AMERICAN REPUB- 
LICS MR. clay's PROPOSITION TO SYMPATHIZE WITH THEM 

HIS ELOQUENCE ON THIS SUBJECT ITS FINAL RESULTS — RESOLU- 
TIONS CENSURING GENERAL JACKSON— THE ADMISSION OF MISSOURI 
TO THE UNION THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE MR. CLAY's RE- 
TIREMENT TO PROFESSIONAL LIFE HIS ILL-HEALTH RETURN 

TO CONGRESS. 

At the commencement of the session of Congress 
of 1815-16, President Madison recommended in his 
messuage the estahlisliment of a national hank, and a 
higli protectiv^e tariff, as the most efficacious means 
of remedying the financial evils which afflicted the 
country immediately after the termination of the war. 
Mr. Chiy, on this occasion, surprised the puhlic hy 
the announcement of that change in his opinions to 
which we have alread}^ adverted ; and defended hoth 
of the measures proposed hy Mr. Madison; with great 
zeal and eloquence. The reasons which he assigned 
for his sudden conversion to a new policy were as 
follows: Since 1811 an entire chans^e of circ.um- 
stances had supervened. A suspension of specie 
})aymejit had taken place. The paper money issued 
hy the United States Government was selling at a 
heavy discount. As to the power of Congress to 



OFIIENRYCLAY. 59 

establish a bank, he no longer hesitated; for, inas- 
much as the Constitution confers on the ISTatioiuil 
Legislature the right to coin money, and regulate the 
value of foreign coins; and as the States are forbidden 
to exercise that right, or emit bills of credit, he drew 
the inference that Congress possessed exclusive juris- 
diction over the whole question of the currency of 
the country. In the exercise of that jurisdiction, the 
establishment of a national bank was an obvious and 
Ici^ritimate measure. 

The bill to re-charter the bank was discussed with 
great zeal and abilit}' in l)Oth Houses of Congress. 
It was eventually passed by both, and then received 
the approval of the President. Mr. Clay's agency in 
this measure was severely reprehended by his poli- 
tical opponents, but he had evidently been guided by 
considerations which he believed to be promotive of 
the welfare of the country. 

During the same session of Congress, a bill was in- 
troduced by which the mode of paying the salaries of 
tiie members was changed. It proposed that instead 
of receiving the sum of six dollars per day, as was 
then the rule, they should be paid lifteen hundred 
dt^llars [)er annum. Mr. Clay was personally in favor 
.of a ditferent arrangement from either of these ; but 
as a large majority of both Houses were in favor of 
the proposition, he agreed to it, and voted for its pas- 
sage. He incurred not a little opprobrium in conse- 
quence of this step, from some of his constituents, 
and several anecdotes are still extant, illustrative of 
the manner in which, in those primitive times in Ken- 
tucky, he was assailed by the objections of the dis- 



60 THELIFEANDTIMES 

affected, and Low 1ie answered and repelled tliem. 
One of these is as follows. During the next canvass, 
when the question of his re-election was discussed, he 
met an old hunter who had always been his staunch 
admirer and partizati, and who had then become 
alienated from him in consequence of his voting in 
favor of the compensation bill. 

''Have you a good riiie, my friend?" asked Mr. 
Clay.— " Yes."— '"' Does it ever tlash ?"—" Once only," 
lie replied. — "What did you do with it — throw it 
away?" — "No, I picked the flint, tried it again, and 
brouo'ht down the s^ame." — "Have I ever flashed but 
upon the compensation bill?" — "No." — ""Will you 
throw me away?" — "No, no!" exclaimed the liunter, 
with enthusiasm, nearly overpowered by his feelings; 
"I will i)ick the flint, and trv vou ao^ain!" 

On the oth of December, 1817, the first session of 
the Fifteenth Congress commenced, to which body 
Mr. Clay had been elected by a triumphant majority. 
He was again cliosen Speaker of the House. During 
this session he took an active part in the most 
important discussions wliich occurred. Prominent 
among these was the question of sympathy and aid, 
which some members were in favor of extending, from 
the goverriment and people of the United States to 
several of the republics of South America which were 
then strufru'lino: for the achievement of their liberties; 
to which they had been incited by the glorious ex- 
au'.ple and the splendid success of our own revolution. 
Mr. Clay was enthuL^astic in favor of this proposition. 
Many distinguished representatives opposed it; pro- 
minent among whom was Mr. Kaudolph of Yirgiuia. 



OFHENRYCLAY. 61 

He ridiculed the idea of increasinor our standi ns: 
army, and taxing our citizens to assist the inhahitants 
of South America, wlio, as he contended, came jiot 
to our aid in the day of our necessity, and who he 
dechired were not only unworthy of the enjoyment 
of political freedom, but did not even understand or 
comprehend its nature. Several sharp collisions 
passed between Messrs. Clay and Randolph on this 
occasion, which howeverthen led to no serious result. 

A proposition was made in Congress to send com- 
missioners to South America, to ascertain the con- 
dition of the country. Subseque.itly Mr. Clay ad- 
vocated the passage of a bill, deputing a minister 
from the United States to the Provinces situated ou 
the River La Plata in South America; and to ap[)ro- 
priate eighteen thousand dollars as an outfit for him. 
The measure at that time failed ; but Mr. Clay's 
speech in favor of it was one of the ablest and most 
eloquent of his efforts; the following extracts from 
which possess the deepest interest: 

*'In contemplating the great struggle in which 
Spanish America is now engaged, our attention ia 
first lixed by the immensity and character of the coun- 
try which Spain seeks again to subjugate. Stretching 
on the Pacitic Ocean, from about the fortieth degree of 
north latitude to about the fifty-lifth degree of south 
latitude, and extending from the mouth of the Rio 
del Norte (exclusive of East Florida), around the Gulf 
of Mexico, and along the South Atlantic to near Capo 
Horn; it is about tive thousand miles in length, and 
in some places near three thousand in breadth. Within 
this vast reo-ion we behold the most sublime and iu- 

o 

6 



62 THELIFEANDTIMES 

teresting objects of creation: the loftiest monntains, 
the most majestic rivers, in the world; the richest 
mines of the precious metals, and the choicest pro- 
ductions of the earth. We behold there a spectacle 
still more interesting and sublime — the glorious spec- 
tacle of eighteen millions of people, struggling to 
burst their chains and to be free. "When we take a 
little nearer and more detailed view, we perceive that 
nature has, as it were, ordained that this joeople and 
this country shall ultimately constitute several dif- 
ferent nations. Leaving the United States on vhe 
north, we come to Kew Spain, or the viceroyalty of 
Mexico on the south ; passing by Guatenuila, we reach 
the viceroyalty of Isew Grenada, the late captain- 
generalshi[) of Venezuela, and Guiana, lying on the 
east side of the Andes. Stepping over tlie Brazils, 
we arrive at the United Provinces of La Plata; and 
crossin<2: the Andes, we find Chili on their west side, 
and, further north, the viceroyalty of Linni, or Peru. 
Each of these several parts is sufficient in itself, in 
point of limits, to constitute a powerful State ; and, 
in point of population, that which has the smallest 
contains enough to make it respectable. Throughout 
all the extent of that great portion of the world, 
which I have attempted thus hastily to describe, the 
spirit of revolt against the dominion of Spain has 
manifested itself The revolution has been attended 
w'th various degrees of success in the several parts 
of Spanish America. In some it has been already 
crowned, as I shall endeavor to show, with complete 
success, and in all I am persuaded that independence 
has struck such deep root, that the power of Spain 



F H E N R Y C L A Y . ^, 63 

can never eradicate it. What are the causes of this 
great movement ? 

'•In the estahlishment of the independence of Spa- 
n^'sh America, the United States have the deepest in- 
terest. I have no hesitation in asserting my firm 
belief, that there is no question in the foreign policy 
of this country, ^vhich has ever arisen, or which I can 
conceive as ever occurring, in the decision of which 
we have had or can have so much at stake. This in- 
terest concerns our politics, our commerce, our navi- 
gation. There can not be a doubt that Spanish Ame- 
rica, once independent, whatever may be the f(^rm of 
the governments established in its several parts, these 
governments will be animated by an American feel- 
ing and guided by an American policy. They will 
obey the laws of the system of the new world, of 
which they will compose a part, in contradistinction 
to that of Europe. "Without the influence of that 
vortex in Europe, the balance of power l)et\veen its 
several parts, the preservation of which has so often 
drenched Europe in blood, America is sufficiently re- 
mote to contemplate the new wars which are to afi&ict 
that quarter of the globe, as a calm, if not a cold and 
indifi'erent spectator. In relation to those wars, the 
several parts of America will generally stand neutral. 
And as, during the period when they rage, it will be 
important that a liberal system of neutrality should 
be adopted and observed, all America will be inte- 
rested in maintainino: and enforciu"* such a svstem. 
The independence of Spanish America, then, is an 
interest of primary consideration. ]S[ext to that, and 
highly important in itself, is the consideration of the 



64 THELIFEANDTIMES 

nature of their governments. That is a qnefslion, 
however, for tliemselves. The}' wilh no doubt, adopt 
those kinds of <2:overnnients wliich are best suited to 
tlieir condition, best calculated for their ha|)i)iness. 
Anxious as I am that they should be free govern- 
ments, we have no right to prescribe for tliem. They 
are, and ought to be, the sole judges for themselves. 
I am stronjj:lv inclined to believe tliat thev will in 
most, if not all parts of their country, establish free 
governments. We are their great example. Of us 
they constantly speak as of Vjrothers, having a similar 
origin. They adopt our principles, copy our institu- 
tions, and, in many instances, employ the Yevy lan- 
guage and sentiments of our revolutionary papers. 

''But it is sometimes said, tliat they are too igno- 
rant and too ^uperstiiious to admit of the existence 
of free government. This cbarge of ignorance is 
often urged by persons themselves actually ignorant 
of the real condition of that people. I deny the al- 
Icixed fact of ijjfuorance; I denv tlie inference fi-om 
that fact, if it were true, that they want cajjacity for 
free government ; and I refuse assent to the further 
conclusion, if tlie fact were true, and the inf<jrence 
just, that we are to be indifferent to tlieir fate. All 
the writers of the most established autlioi'ity, De])ons, 
Humboldt, and others, concur in assigning to the 
people of Spanish America, great quickness, genius, 
and particular aptitude for the acquisition of the exact 
sciences, and others which thj^y have been allowed to 
cultivate. In astronomy, geology, mineralogy, che- 
mistry, botany, and so forth, they are allowed to uiake 
distinguished proficiency. They justly boast of their 



i 



OFHENRYCLAT. 65 

Abzate, Velasqne?, and Gama, and otlier innstrions 
coiitiihutors to science. Tliey have nine universities, 
and in the City of Mexico, it is atHrnied by Hum- 
boldt, that there are more solid scientific establish- 
ments than in anv city even of North America. I 
would refer to the message of the supreme director 
of La Plata, whicli I shall hereafter have occasion to 
use f »r anotlier purpose, as a model of line composi- 
tini of a State pa|)er, challenging a comparison with 
any, the most celebrated, that ever issued from tlie 
pens of Jefferson or Madison. Gentlemen will egrc- 
gi(>u-ly err. if they form their opinions of the present 
moral condition of Spanish America, from what it 
was under the debasing system of Spain. The eiglit 
vear>* i-evolution in whicli it has been eui^aired, has 
already p'oduced a powerful efiect. Education has 
been attended to, and genius deveh^ped. It is the 
doc rine of thrones, that man is too ignorant to govern 
himself Their partizans assert his incapacit}^ in re- 
feience to all nations; if they cannot command uni- 
versal assent to the proposition, it is then demanded as 
t" particular nations; and our pride and presumption 
too often make converts of us. 1 contend, that it is to 
arraign the di8[)Ositions of Providence Himself, to sup- 
pose that lie has created beings incap-ible of governing 
tlieuiselves, and to be trampled on by kings. Self- 
government is the natural government of man, and 
for [.roof, I refer to the aborigines of our own land. 
AVere I to speculate in hypotheses unfkv(.)rable to 
bunujn liberty, my speculations should be founded 
ra her njjon the vices, retinements, or density of popu- 
lation. Crowded together in compact masses, even 
6* E 



06 T II E L I F E A N D T I M E 3 

if they were pliilosopliers, the contacrion of the ])as-* 
sions is coinmunicated a^ul caught, and the effect too 
often, I admit, is the overthrow of liherty'. Dispersed 
over such an immense space as that on which the 
people of Spanish America are spread, their ]>liysical, 
and I believe also their moral condition, both favor 
their liberty." 

Although the efforts of ^Ir. Clay on this occasion 
were not successful, he accompHsljed his noble pur- 
pose at a later day. In February, 1821, he offered a 
resolution to the effect, that the American Congress 
rejj:arded the struggles of the South American 
republics for the establishment of their liberties 
Avith ^reat iuterest; and suggesting that the Pre- 
sideut of the United States should recognize the 
national independence. The motion eventually pre- 
vailed ; and in March, 1822, the President sent in a 
messao-e recommending that Congress should then 
recognize the South American republics as free and 
independent sovereignties. The suggestion was ap- 
proved after a full discussion, and pass«^d with but a 
sinii:le dissenting voice. In the accomplisliment of 
this propitious result, the agency of Mr. day was 
prominent and decisive. It was he who had brought it 
to pass. His exertions in behalf of the He[.ul)lics of 
South America were duly appreciated, and tiieir obliga- 
tions to him were acknowledged by them. Tlie ilbis- 
trious Bolivar addressed a letter to Mr. Clay, in which 
he gave expression to the feelings of gratitude and 
acbniration which he and all his compatriots felt for 
the heroic position which Mr. Clay had taken, and 
for the honorable results which he had achieved, in 



OFIIENRYCLAY. 67 

their behalf, and through them, for the cause of uni- 
versal liberty. 

An exciting topic of discussion which arose in Con- 
gress during the term of 1819, was a pr(ipositi(m which 
was introduced to censure the conduct of General 
Jackson during his campaign in Florida, where he had 
imposed the most cruel conditions upon the Indians, 
and had punished some of them with the most un- 
paralled rigor. Mr. Clay was in favor of the passage 
of the bill ; for althous^h he was willino^ t(^ excuse the 
intentions of the General as being pure and innocent, 
his acts he stigmatized as outrageous and unjustiiiahle. 
Both Houses afterward passed resolutions which con- 
tained qualified censures of the extreme measures of 
the Hero of New Orleans; to which result Mr. Clay 
effectually contributed. 

It was soon after this event, durino: the session of 
1820-21, that the subject of slavery iirst assumed an 
important and threatening as[>ect in the deliberations 
of the [N'ational Legislature. A proposition was then 
made to admit Missouri into the Union ; and the 
point of controversy was, whether she should be re- 
ceived as a free or as a slave State. When Ohio, 
Indiana and Illinois were admitted, in which slavery 
did not then exist, Congress expressly excluded 
slavery in future from their limits. Missouri was a 
part of the territory of Louisiana, which had been 
purchased from France in 1803; and in it slaverv al- 
ready prevailed, and had been long established. The 
States of. Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississi]«pi, and 
Alabama, had also been received; but as slaverv 
existed in them at the period of their admisbiun^ 



6S 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



notliiiiir WOP sa'd oirninst tlie rontiniuniee of tlie in- 
stitii ion. It \\as allcii't'd lliat Alis>(an-i was jtlnccd 
precisely in tlie same sitnation, and that sle slionid 
be received or precisely the same cnnditi(^ns, and her 
domestic institutions be not interfered with. On llie 
other hand it was ni'C'ed, that Cone^ress possessed the 
ri2:lit to impose whatever conditions thev chose on 
new States and Teri-itories ; that the evident intention 
of the Federal Government was not to extend sla\erv, 
having prohibited its inti^odncrion into new States 
wliich were formed, or to be f rmed, out of the Noi'th- 
western Territory; and that slavery was in itself so 
infamous a thing, that it onght to be criisJRMl and ex- 
tirjiated wherever an o}>portun)ty for so doing was 
presented. 

This question was discussed with great zeal ; and 
the excitement respecting it became intense, not 
merely in Cons-ress but thronohout the Union. In 
1820 the inhabitants of Missouri proceeded to ado]it 
a Constitution ; and in it there was a clause which 
forbade free nej^roes and mulattoes from comintc into 
the Territory, or settling in it, on any |)retext. This 
measure tended to increase the existing excitement, 
and to complicate the dilhculty. The discussions in 
Congress in reference to the admission of Missouri 
continued to be animated and bitter. On the 10th 
of February Mr. Clay introduced a res(duti()n with the 
view to adjust the difficulty, and calm tlie popular 
commotion, which had assumed a portentous aspect. 
This resolution embodied the famous Missouri Com- 
promise. After a full and i^rotractcd discussion, it 
was rejected in a Cummittee vf the Whole, by a vote 



OFHENRYGLAY. G9 

of seventv-tliree to sixty-four. ITevertheless he was 
not dislieartened ; ami at a subsequent period, on the 
25tli of tlie niontli,tlie same measure was proposed a 
second time l)y Mr. Clay, and supported l)y the most 
rejiiarkable displays of liis eloquence. His efforts in 
this instance were successful. The resolution which 
was thus carried was. as follows: 

"It is provided tliat the said State shall never pass 
any law preventing any description of persons from 
coming to and settling in the said State, who now are 
or hereaft" r mav become citizens of any of the States 
of this Union ; and j)rovided also, tliat the Legislature 
of the said State, by a solemn public act, shall declare 
the assent of the said State to the said fundamental 
cniuiition, and shall transmit to the President of the 
United States, on or before the fourth ^londay in 
November next, an authentic copy of the said act; 
upon the receipt whereof, the President, by procla- 
mation, shall announce the fact; whereupon, and 
without any further proceedings on the part of Con- 
gress, the admission of the said State into the Union 
shall be considered as complete: And provided, fur- 
tlier, that nothing herein contained shall be construed 
to take from the State of Missouri, when admitted 
into the L'nion, the exercise of any right or i)Ower 
wliich can now be constitutionally exercised by any 
of the orio'iiial States." 

13y obtaining the passage of this law, and the adop- 
tion of this famous Com[)romis(:», Mr. Clay averted 
the evils of anarchy and disunion which then tlireat- 
ened the Confederacy in a more imminent and appal- 
ling manner than has ever since been the case; and 



70 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

thereby earned a permanent and potent claim to the 
gratitude of his countrymen. 

After the attainment of this propitious result, Mr. 
Chiy determined to retire for a time from the pultlic 
councils of the nation. His private affairs had be- 
come embarrassed, hy endorsiuiz; hirL'^elv for a friend ; 
and it became necessary for liim to retrieve liis pecu- 
niary fortunes by devotion to his [)rofessional pur- 
suits. Accordini^ly lie withdrew from the public ser- 
vice in 1821, and remained in Kentucky during nearly 
three years. In the summer of 1823 he accepted a 
renomination to Congress, and was elected almost 
without opposition. During the period of his retire- 
ment he had been industriously engaged in the prac- 
tice of the law, until he was arrested by ill health. 
I)urin2: tlie early \v<\\% of 1823 he became so much 
reduced tliat liis life was despaired of, and he himself 
anticipated death. lie visited the Olympian Springs, 
in Kentucky; but notwithstanding this expedient, and 
the best medical treatment, he declined still more. 
"When chosen to represent his old constituents in Con- 
gress in ]823, he scarcely expected to live to assume 
tlie duties of liis post. Nevertheless he journeyed by 
slow stages to AVashington ; and that journey, pai*t 
of which he purposely made on foot, exerted a magic 
effect upon his constitution, and restored him to his 
usual vigor an<l health. At the opening of the first 
session of the Eii]:hteenth Con^-ress in December, 
1823, he \\as again elected Speaker on the first ballot. 



0FHE2s^IlYCLAY. 71 



CHAPTER YI. 

RECOGNITIOX OF THE FREEDOM OF GREECE THE SUBJECT OF PROTEC- 
TION OF AMERICAN IxVDUSTRY MR. CLAY's SPEECH RESPECTING IT 

VISIT OF LAFAYETTE TO U. S. IS RECEIVED BY MR. CLAY IN THE 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1824 

RIVAL CANDIDATES MR. ADAMS ELECTED PRESIDENT MR. CLAY 

APPOINTED SECRETARY OF STATE — CHARGE OF "BARGAIN AND SALE*' 
—ITS FALSEHOOD AND MALIGNITY — MR. CLAY's SELF-VINDICATION. 

During the winter term of 1824 of Congress, Mr. 
Clay took an active part in indncing the Government 
of the United States to recognize the freedom of 
Greece, and to send thither a commissioner instructed 
to express the s\nipathv of this nation with the 
Greeks, in the lieroic struo-o-les which thev were then 
making iigninst the dchasins^ tvrannv of tlie Turks. 
Daniel Wehster introduced the resolution to that 
clfoet ; Mr. Chiy advocated it with unrivalled elo- 
quence. Nevertheless, the measure was not then 
ad(»})ted, in consequence of prudential reasons; but 
Mr. Ciay consummated liis hopes on this subject at a 
sub.xeqiK'nt period, while 8ecretarv of State. 

In January, 1824, the subject of American indus- 
tiy, and the j.>rotection of American manufjictures, 
occupied the attention of Con^-ress. Mr. Clav took 
a prominent [)art in the discussion, and on the 30tL 
or March delivered his celebrated oration on the 8ul>- 



72 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



joct, wliich is justly reornrded as a master-piece of elo- 
quence and argument. In tlie exordium he depicted 
with thrilling power the then desperate condition of 
the conntr}', and afterward pn^ceeded to discuss the 
causes wliich produced it, and the remedies wliieh 
alone could cure the evil. In this dehate Mr. Wt'hster 
exerted his utmost to overthrow the positions detVnded 
by Mr. Clay, who replied to the j)rofound arguments 
of that statesman With ability equal to his own ; and 
on no occasion durins: the i)i'oorress of tlieir eventful 
lives, were the remarkable and verv dissimilar talents 
of these great men more prominently drawn out. or 
exhibited in clearer and more strikiuir contrast. The 
tnriif bill whieh Mr. Chiy advocated passed the 
House on the 16th of A|)ril, 1824. and soon afterward 
obtained all the necessary sanctions of law. 

In Aui^ust, 1824, General Lafavette visited the 
United States, and was received bv Cono-ress. It he- 
came tlie duty of Mr. Clay, as Speaker of the House, 
to address the illustrious visitor ; which he did with 
great a]>pr(jp' lateness and success. The General re- 
tained throuu-h life a li^ratcful remembrance of the 
agei'C\' of Mr. Clay on that (K'ca^ion, and of the 
altilitv with which he discliaro:ed tlie function assio-iied 
him. His suhseciuent sentiments toward Mr. Clay 
may be inferred from the fact that, in 1832, he de- 
clai'ed to ;in otliccr of the United States Naw who 
was his guest, when pointing to a portrait of Mr. Clay : 
*'Tliat is the man whom I hope to see President of 
the United States." 

Mr. Clay felt it his duty to differ from President 
Monroe on many iinportuut questions of public policy; 



OF H K NRY CL AY. 73 

vot the fec'linirs wliieli existed between tViem were the 
most tnendlv. Mr. Chiv was offered ii seat in the 
Cabinet, and the liberty to select all tlie foreign a})- 
|)ointnients. But he declined the offer, being nH>ro 
desirous to serve liis country in the less distinguished 
and more difficult post which he then occupied. 

The Presidential campaign of 1824 was one of 
great excitement and virulence. Mr. Clay had been 
noniinated bv a meetiuir of the members of the Lei^is- 
lature of Kentucky, as a suitable person to succeed 
Mr. Monroe as President of the United States; and 
that event placed him in a prominent position as a 
candi(hite bef )re the country. The proposal was en- 
dorsed bv similar recommendations in ^Missouri, Lou- 
isiana, and Ohio, which inci'eased its importance. 
The rival candidates for that liigh post were John 
Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, William H. Craw- 
ford, of Georgia, and Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee. 
It soon became evident that the election would not 
be made by the people, but that, according to the 
provisions of the Constitution, it would pass into the 
llouse of Representatives. It soon became evident, 
also, that in consequence of the relative strength of 
the four candidates already named, the ultimate power 
of determining who should be chosen, would fali into 
the hands of Mr. Clay's electors, which was equivalent 
to })laeing it in his own. His conduct and preferences 
under these delicate and critical circumstances, as- 
sumed the highest importance, and attracted the 
ch)sest scrutiny. Until this date Mr. Clay had been 
recoiciiized by the nation as a Jeft'ersonian Democrat. 
Mr. Adams was well known as a Whig and Federal- 
7 



V 



74 T n K L I F J-: and t i .m e s 

ist; General Jackson as a stauncli and ultra Demo- 
crat ; Mr. Crau'tbrd's extreme ill health rendered 
him almost a nominal candidate, and unlit for the 
performance of the duties of the office, to which he 
had heen named chiefly as a testimony of apjjrecia- 
tion of his previous and valuable services to the 
couiitrv. 

Air. Clay had never been an admirer of the hero of 
Kew Orleans, and entertained serious ai)prehensions 
as to the soundness of his views, and the safety and 
wisdom of his policy in public affairs. Yet as both 
were Democrats, it was confidently anticipated by the 
luition at large, that ultimately Mr. Claj^ would 1)6 
constrained to accord him his suppoit, and place him 
in the Presidential chair. Soon indications beic^iii to 
be api)arent, that such an expectation would be dis- 
a})pointed ; and the first note of alarm at his threat- 
ened disafi'ection to the party with which he had pre- 
viously acted, was a letter which ap[)earcd in the 
''Columljian Observer," a party paper then published 
in Philadelphia, in which it was boldly charged that 
Mr. Clay was about to sell himself i'or office to the 
successful candidate, whoever that might be. The 
im{)lication wns, that Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay had 
formed a conipiict, by which the votes of the parti- 
sans of the latter were to be given for Mr. Adams. 
The authorship of this lettei' was afterward aeknowl- 
edired b\ Mr. Georii'e Kremer, an obs(Mire reuresenta- 
tive from Peiins\ Ivania. Afterward, when Mr. Adams 
was elected President, and Mr. Clay was appointed 
b\- him Recretai'v of State, the evidence seemed to be 
conclusive, that there was some truth in the charge; 



F IJ E N R Y C L A Y. 75 

and thus began tlie malignant and groundless impu- 
tation of " bargain and sale" wliicb afterward bannted 
tbe ears of Mr. Clav tlirouirb the remainder of bis 
life, and became the most effective weapon in the 
bands of bis enemies, in thwarting his upward path- 
WiJv to the biixhest office in the nation. 

Even at that period, so loud was the clamor raised 
in reference to this infamous cliarge, in support of 
which not the slightest proof was ever addnced, that 
Mi\ Chiv was compelled to call the attention of the 
House to tbe nuitter, and he demanded an inves- 
tiiration in reference to it. A committee was there- 
fore appointed in February, 1825, composed of the 
leadinor members of the House. ^Mr. Krenier was 
summoned before tliem, for the purpose of furnishing 
proofs in sup[»ort of the charge which lie bad preferred 
a^-ainst Mr. Clay. Previous to this summons, Mr. 
Kremer had boldlv declared bis readiness and ability 
to furnish conclusive proofs of tlie truth of the allega- 
tions which he bad made; when, however, he was 
required by the committee to fulfil bis promises and 
pretensions, be evaded them by declaring that he 
could not appear before the committee, except either 
as an accuser or a witness, neither of which charac- 
ters he was willino; to assume. The coinmittee re- 
ported to this effect, and thus the official aspects of 
the proceeding terminated. But so deep an im[)ressioii 
was subsequently produced upon tbe public mind by 
Mr. Clay's presence in the cabinet of Mr. Adams, 
that the calumny ol)tained the credence of a large 
portion of the community. Tliat it was a calumny is 
evident from two conclusive reasons: Mr. Adams, as 



76 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



well as Mr. Clay, both denied the truth of the chnr2:e 
snbseqnejitly in the most solemn manner; and not 
the sliirhtest proof was ever adduced to sustain it, 
eitlier Itv Ki'enier, or hv anv of his m.)St desperate 
and maliirnant confederates. 

On the 12t]i of July, 1827, Mr. Clay visited Ken- 
tuckv. while still Secretarv of Stat*- under Mr. A(hims. 
He addressed laru^e assemhlai2:es of his former con 
stituents; and at a public dinner embraced a favor- 
able opportunity to advert at length t<» the oft-re[)eated 
and loudlv-asserted char^•e of corruption, in reference 
to this subject. In the progress of his remarks ou 
that occasion, he thus ex[.>re>sed himself: 

" In February, 1825, it was my duty, as the repre- 
sentative of this district, to vote for some one of the 
three candidates for the Presidency who were returned 
to the House of Representatives. It has been esta- 
blished, and can be further proved, that, before I left 
this State the ]>receding fall, I communicated to seve- 
ral £:;entlemen of the highest respectability, my iixed 
determination not to vote for General Jackson. The 
friends of ^Fr. Crawford asserted to the last, tliat the 
con(h[ion of his health was such as to enable him to 
administer the duties of the olhce. I thought other- 
wise, after I reached Washington city, and visited 
him to satisfy myself; and thought that physicid im- 
pediment, if there were no other objections, ought to 
])revent his election. J) Ithough the delegations from 
lour States voted for him, and his pretensions were 
zealouslv pressed to the verv last moment, it has been 
of late asserted, and I believe by some of the very 
persons who then warmly espoused his cause, that 



OF HENRY CLAY. 77 

his incompetency was so palpable as cloai-lv t^^ lirnit 
the elioice to two of the three returned (^andiviarcs. 
In inv \it'\v of niv clnty. there was no alternative hut 
that whicli I embraced. That I !iad some ohjections 
to Mr. Adams, I am ready freely to admit; but these 
did not weigli a f.ather in comparison with the 
greater and insurmonntahle objections, long and de- 
liherately entertained against his competitor. I take 
this occasion, with great satisfaction, to state, that my 
ohjections to Mr. Adams arose chietly from apprehen- 
sions whicli have not been realized. I have found 
him, at the head of the government, able, enlightened, 
patient of investigati()n, and ever ready to receive 
with respect, and, when approved by his judgment, 
to act upon the counsels of his oflicial advisers. I 
add, with unmixed [deasure, that, from the commence 
ment of the government, with the exception of Mr. 
Jetferson's a(hninistration, no cliief nuiiristrate has 
found the members of his Cabinet so united on all 
public measures, and so cordial and friendly in all 
their intercourse, [irivate and oihcial, as these are of 
the present President. 

"Had I voted for General Jackson, in opposition 
_to the well-known opinions which I entertained of 
him, one-tenth part of tlie ingenuity and zeal w hich 
have been employed to excite prejudices against me, 
would have held me up to universal contemi)t; and 
what would have been worse, / should have fdt that 
1 really desei-ved it. 

"Before the election, an attempt was nuide, Ijy an 
abusive letter, puhlished in the (\)lumbian Oi»server, 
at Philadelphia, a paper which, as has since trans- 



78 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



pired. was sustained by Mr. Senat<T Eaton, the col- 
k'ao;uc, the friend, aiid the lji()iz:raplier of General 
Jaekson, to assail n)v motives, and to deter nie in tlie 
exercise of my dutv. This letter beins: avowed hv 
Mr. Georijce Kremer, I instantlv demanded from the 
House of Representatives an investigation. A com- 
niittee was accordingly, on tlie otli day of Fel)ruary, 
1825, appointed in the rare mode of balloting by the 
House, instead of by selection of the S[»eaker. It u'as 
coniposed of some of the leading members of that 
body, not one of whom was my political friend in the 
preceding Presidential canvass. Although Mr. Kre- 
mer, in addressing the House, liad declared his wil- 
lingness to bring foi'ward his [)roofs, and his readiness 
to abide the issue of the inquiry, his fears, or other 
counsels than his own, prevailed upon him to take 
refuge in a miserable subterfuge. Of a 1 possible pe- 
riods, that was the most tittim^ to substantiate the 
charge, if it was true. Everv circumstance was then 
fresh; the witnesses all living and present; the elec- 
tion not yet complete; and thei'efore the imputed 
corrai)t bargain not fultilled. All these powerful 
coiisi.lerations had no weight with the conspirators 
and their accessories, and they meanly shrunk from 
even an attempt to prove their charge, for the best of 
all possible reasons — because, being false and fabri- 
cated, they could adduce no proof which was not 
false and fabricated. 

"During two vears and a half whicli have now in- 
ter\-eued, a [)ortion of the press devoted to the cause 
of General Jackson, has been teemini; with the vilest 
calumnies against me; and. the charge, under every 



OFHENRYCLAY. 79 

chameleon form, lias been a thousand times repeated. 
U|) to this tliis time, I have in vain invited iMvestii2;a- 
tion, and demanded evidence. None, not a particle, 
has been adduced. 

'•The extraordinarv 2:ronnd has been taken, that 
the accusers were not bound to establish by proof the 
guilt of their designated victim. In a civilized, Chris- 
tian, and free community, the monstrous princi[>le 
has been assumed, that accusation and conviction are 
synonymous; and that the persons who deliberately 
bi'inif forward an atrocious char<>:e are exemi)t from 
all obligations to substantiate it! And tlie pretext 
is, tliat the crime, being of a })olitical nature, is 
shrouded in darKiiess, and incapable of being sub- 
stantiated. But is tljere an}' real ditference, in this 
respect, between political and other otfences ? Do not 
all the jierpetrators of crime endeavor to conceal their 
guilt, and to elude detection ? If the accuser of a po- 
litical otfenee is absolved from the dutj' of supporting 
bis accusation, every other accuser of otfenee stands 
equally absolved. tSuch a principle, practically car- 
ried into society, would subvert all harmony, peace, 
and tranquillity, j^one — no age, nor sex, nor pro- 
fession, nor calling, would be safe against its baleful 
and overwhelmiui^' intluence. It would amount to a 
universal license to universal calumnv! 

t/ 

'"No one lias ever contended that the proof should 
be exciusi\'ely that of eye-witnesses, testitying from 
tiieir senses positively and directly to the fact. Po- 
litical, like other offences, mav be established bv cir- 
cuni?tantial as well as positive evidence. But 1 <i<d 
couLcnd, tiiat aoiut evidence, be it wiiat it may, ought 



80 T H E L T F E A N D T I M E S 

to be cxiiibitcd. If there ])Q none, liow do tlio aecnsers 
know that an oit'onee lias been ix-rpeti'ated ? It' tliey 
do know it, let us have the fact on wliicli their <so\\- 
vielnni is based. I wiU not even assert, that, in [>iib- 
lie att'aii's, a eitizen has not a right fr-ely to ex[)ress 
liis opinions of publie men, and to speeulate upon tne 
motives of their eonduct. But if he eiiooses to pro- 
mnlii'at(3 opinions, let them be given as opinions. 
llie pul)lie will eori'eetly judge of their value, anil 
their uroumls. No one has a riii:ht to put foith a 
positive assertion, that a jtolitieal otfenee has been 
comsnitted, unless he stands prepared to sustain, 
hy satistaetory proof of some kind, its actual exist- 
ence. 

'''it' he who exhibits a charge of political crime is, 
from its very nature, disabled to establish it, how 
much more dilHcult is the condition of tiie accused? 
How can he exhii>it negative pi oof of his innocence, 
if no athrmative proof of his guilt is, or can be, ad- 
duced V 

"It must have been a conviction that the justice 
of the public recpiired a detinite charge, b}' a re- 
sponsible accuser, tiiat has, at last, extorted fiom 
General JacKS(jn his letter of the Gth of June, lately 
pubiisned. I approach tliat letter with gi'eat relucc- 
unce. not oi: my own account, for on that, i do 
m(^st heartily aiid sincerel\- rejoice that it has made 
its appearance. But it is reluctance excited by tne 
feelings of respectt which I would anxiously have cid- 
tiviiteil tovvards its author, lie has, howe\ei', by that 
leller, createii sucii relations between us, that, in any 
iaiiguage which i may employ, in examining its cuu- 



\ 



OP HENRY CLAY. 81 

tents, I feel mvself bounr] by no otlier oblijrations 
tliaii those \\liicli belong to truth, to public deorum, 
and to mvself. 

" The tirst consideration wbi(;h must, on the peru- 
sal of the letter, force it>elf ui,»on every retlecting 
mind, is that which arises out of the delicate posture 
in which (:)reneral Jackson stands before the Ameri- 
can public. He is a candidate for the Presidency, 
avowed and proclaimed. He has no competitor at 
pieseu"-, and there is no probability of his having any, 
but one. The char^^es which he has allowed himself 
to be the organ of communicating to the very public 
who is to decide the question of the Presidt-ncy, 
though directly aimed at me, necessarily implicate 
his only con^petitor. Mr. Adams and myself are 
both guily, or we are both innocent of tlie imputed 
arrangement between us. HU innocence is abso- 
lutely irreconcilable with my guilt. W General Jack- 
Soii, therefore, can establish my guilt, and, by infer- 
ence, or by insinuation, that of his sole rival, he will 
have removed a great obstacle to the consummation 
Oi the object of ids ambition. And if he can, at the 
sa.ne time, make out liis own purity of conduct, and 
impress the American peo[)le with the belief that his 
purity and integrity alone pi^evented his success be- 
fore t.ie House of ixepresentatives, his claims will be- 
come absolutely irresistible. Were there ever more 
p.Avenul motives to propagate — was there ever greater 
interest, at all hazards, to prove the truth of charges? 

'• ill.' issae IS fairly joined. The imputed olfence 
does n(.)t comprehend a single iriend, but the col- 
lective body ut my friends in Congress; and it ac- 

F 



8w» 



THE L I F K AND TIMES 



cnses them of offering, and me with sanctioning, cor 
Tu\it proposidonSy dei'o^^'dtmg from honor, and in viola- 
tion of the most sacred of duties. The charge has 
been made after two years' deliberation. General 
Jackson has voluntarily taken his position, and with- 
out provocation. In voting against him as President 
of the United States, I gave him no just cause of 
offence. I exercised no more than my indisputable 
privilege, as, on a subsequent occasion, of whicb I 
have never complained, he exercis«Ml his in voting 
against me as Secretary of State. Had I voted for 
him, I must have gone counter to every iixed princi- 
ple of my public life. I believed him incompetent, 
and his election fraught with danger. At this early 
period of the Republic, keeping steadily in view the 
dano-ers which had overturned every other free State, 
I believed it to be essential to the lasting preserva- 
tion of our liberties, that a man, devoid of civil 
talents, and ottering no recommendation but one 
founded on military service, should not be selected to 
administer the irovernment. I believe so vet ; and 1 
shall consider the davs of the Commonwealth nuni- 
bered when an opposite principle is established." * 

* The same sentiments were expressed by Mr. Clay, and the 
Bame reasons were assigned by him, for his conduct on the memo- 
ruble occasion referred to, in the following letter addressed by Jiim 

to his friend, Judge Brooke : 

''■Washington, 2Sth Janunry, 1825. 

Mv Dear Sir: — My position, in relation to the Presidential 

contest, is highly critical, and such as to leave me uo path on 

which I can move without censure. I have pursued, in regard to 

it, the rule which I always observe in the discharge of my publio 

duty. I have interrogated my conscience qb to what I ought to 



OF HENRY CLAY. 83 

do, and that faithful guide tells me that I ought to vote for Mr 
Adauis. I shall fulfil its injunctions. Mr. Crawford's state of 
health, and the circumstances under which he presents himself to 
the House, appear to me to be conclusive against him. As a 
friend to liberty, and to the permanence of our institutions, I can- 
not consent, in this early stage ot their existence, by contributing 
to the election of a military chieftain, to give the strongest gua- 
rantee that this Republic will march in the fatal road which has 
conducted every other republic to ruin. I owe to your friendsnip 
this frank exposition of my intentions. I am, and shall continue 
to be, assailed by all the abuse which partizan zeal, malignity, 
and rivalry, can invent. I shall view, without emotion, these 
effusions of malice, and remain unshaken in my purpose. What 
is a public man worth, if he will not expose himself, on fit occa- 
sions, for the good of his country ? 

" As to the result of the election, I cannot speak with absomte 
certainty ; but there is every reason to believe that we shall avoid 
the dangerous precedent to which I allude. 

The lion. F. Brooke." 



84 THELIFEANDTIMES 



CHAPTER VII. 

MR. CLAY AS SECRETARY OF STATE — HIS OFFICIAL ACTIVITY — GENE 
RAL JACKSON REVIVES THE CHARGE OF BARGAIN AND SALE — UN- 
POPULARITY OF THE ADAMS ADMINISTRATION — JOHN RANDOLPH 

HIS ASSAULT ON MR. CLAY— DUEL BETWEEN CLAY AND RANDOLPH 

ITS INCIDENTS AND RESULT — ELECTION OF GENERAL JACKSON TO 
THE PRESIDENCY — RETURN OF MR. CLAY TO KENTUCKY — MALIG- 
NITY AND PERSECUTION OF HIS ENEMIES — HIS RE-ELECTION TO 
THE UNITED STATES SENATE — IS NOMINATED FOR THE PRESI- 
DENCY. 

Afp.. Clay entered upon the performance of his im- 
portant duties, as Secretary of State, on March oth, 
1825. Ilis term of service was cliaracterized chit^'flv 
by two tilings — the abiliry witli which he performed 
the functions of his oiiice, and the maliirniry with 
whicli he was pursued by his political and personal 
enemies, with the repeated charge of '• bargain atid 
sale" in reference to the election of Mr. Adams. As 
becretary of State, his superior diplomatic capacities 
were re|>eatcdly and clearly evinced. The number 
of treaties ncijotiated and concluded bv him dui'inoj 
four years, exceeded the whole number that had bei-n 
consummated by the United States Government, 
duriuiT the thirtv-tive preceding vears whicli had 
C'la[)sed since the adoption of the Federal Constitu- 
tion, rrominent among these were com{)a(*ts made 
with I'russia, Denmark, Austria, lvus»ia, Coiumbia, 



F H E N R Y C L A Y . 85 

and Great Britain. The claims of American citizens 
on foreign governments were all adjusted; and the 
political and commercial relations of the United 
States with the varii^us countries of Europe and South 
America were arrano-ed in a satisfactory and com- 
inendahle manner. His superior tact, penetration 
and skill in manao^ini>: the intricate and difficult de- 
tails of diplomatic affairs, were pre-eminent, and 
elicited the a[)[)laiise of the representatives of foreign 
powers with whom he thus came officially in con- 
tact. His letter of instructions to the American 
Commissioner to tlie Congress composed of dele- 
a'ates frMin the Republics of Central America, which 
was to have convened at Panama, was a State paper 
of remarkahle al/ilitv ; as was also his letter to the 
American Minister at St. Petershurij, in reference to 
the inteiposition of the Russian Government in ter- 
minating the contest then existing between Spain 
and her colonies. 

Tint if thus honored in one department of his 
public character and service, Mr. Clay was over- 
shadowed at this period by a cloud of opprobrium 
and detraction in another. In June, 1827, General 
Jackson addressed a letter to Mr. Carter Beverlv, from 
liis residence in Tennessee, repeating the charge of 
corruption against Mr. Clay, and asserting that, pre- 
vious to the election of Mr. Adams to the Presidency, 
the friends of Mr. Clay had tendered him their sup- 
port, on condition that Air. Clay should receive tlie 
first seat in the Cabinet. The followin 2: extract from 
this memorable letter, will explain the nature of tiie 
8 



86 T H E L T F E A N D T I M E S 

acciipation as presented on the part of General 
Jackson : 

" I will repeat, aorain, the occurrence, and to which 
mv rei>ly to vou mnst have conformed, and frorn 
whicli, if there has heen any variation, yon can cor- 
rect it. It is this: Early in January, 1825, a. nieniher 
of Congress, of high respectaliility, visited nie one 
morning, and ohserved, that he had a commnnication 
he was desirous to make to me ; that he was informed 
tliere was a great intrigue going on, and that it was 
riHit 1 should be informed of ir ; that he came as a 
friend, aiid let me receive the communication as I 
miirht, the friendlv motives throu^rh which it was 
made he hoped would prevent any cliange of friend- 
ship or feeling in regard to him. To wliich I replied, 
from liis higli standing as a gentleman and mcmher 
of Couirress, and from his uniform friendlv and <ren- 
tlemaiily ccMiduct toward myself. I conhl not suppose 
he w()uld make any communication to me, which he 
supposed was improper. Therefore, his motives l)eing 
pure, let me think as I might of the communication, 
mv feelini>:s toward him would remain unaltered. 
The irentleman proceeded : lie said lie had been in- 
foruKHl V)y the friends of Mr. Clay, that the friends 
of Mr. Adams had made overtures to them, raying, 
if Mr. Clay and his friends would unite in aid of Mr. 
Adams's election, Mr. Clay should be Secretary of 
State: that the fneiids of Mr. Adams were urging, 
as a reason to induci'thc friends of .Mr. Clay to jicccde 
to tht'if ])r> positio!!, that if I were elected rresidcnt, 
l\lr. Adams would be coniinued Secretary of State 
(inuendo, tliere would be no room for Kentucky); 



F H E K R Y C L A Y . 87 

that the friends of Mr. Clay stated, the west did not 
wish to separate from the west, and if I would say, or 
permit any of my confidential friends to say, that in 
case I were elected President, Mr. Adams shonld not 
he continued Secretary of State, by a complete union 
of Mr. Clay and his friends, they would put an end 
to the Presidential contest in one hour. And he was 
of opinion it was rii^^ht to fight such intriguers with 
their own weapons. To which, in substance, I re- 
plied—that in politics, as in everything else, my guide 
was principle ; and contrary to the expressed and un- 
biased will of the people, I never would step into the 
Presidential chair; and requested him to say to Mr. 
Clay and his friend.^ (for I did suppose he had come 
from Mr. Clay, although he used tlie term of 'Mr. 
Clay's friends'), that before I would reach the Presi- 
dential chair i>y such means of bargain and corrup- 
tion, I would see the earth open and swallow both 
Mr. Clay and his friends and myself with them. If 
thev had not confidence in me to believe, if I were 
elected, that I would call to my aid in the Cabinet 
men of the first virtue, talent, and integrity, not to 
vote for me. The second day after this commuitica- 
tion and reply, it was announced in the newspapers, 
that Mr. Clay had come out openly and avowed. y in 
favor of Mr. Adams. It may be proper to observe, 
that, on the su{)position that Mr. Clay was not privy 
to the proposition stated, I may have done injustice 
to him. II" so, tlie gentleman informing me can 
explain." 

The person alluded to by the writer of the preceding 
letter, as having been the agent and spokesman of 



88 



THE LIFE AND T T BI E S 



iMr. Clav and liis t'lieiuls, was ll.e TTon. James EncLa- 
luni. Px'iiig lliiiP ('n'<j-i:(.'(l into tl^e controversy. ^Jr. 
r>u< lianan mj.fle a ])nl)lic stntenient of liis connection 
Avitli tlie matter; asserting tliat lie liad called on Gene- 
ral Jackson and spoken to liim in reference to tins 
snl'jiM-t; tliat lie informed tlie General, that a rnmor 
prevailed that lie would retain Mr. Adams as Secre- 
tarv of State if lie were elected President ; tliat snch 
a rumor Avas operating injuriously to Ids interests; 
tliat lie called upon liim as 7//s friend, to obtain a 
denial of tlie fact from liim ; tliat lie (Mr. Puchanan) 
liad never been the personal or political friend of Mr. 
Clav: and that he not only had no anthoritv fi( m 
Mr. Clay to make any projtosition whatever to Gene- 
ral Jackson, but that he liad no idea that the Genend 
ever entertained the impression that he was deputed 
by Mr. Clay for that pur[)Ose. 

No evidence was ever adduced to prove that the 
friends of Mr. Clay had made overtures to the ])c;rti- 
zans either of Mr. Adams or of General Jackson; 
much less, that Mr. Clay was himself privy to any 
such overtures, if they had been made: while Mr. 
Adams, on his side, e>:})ressl3' denied the charge, as 
far as it referred to him, in the most positive manner, 
and in the followins^ lano^uac^e: 

"Upon him (Mr. Clay) the foulest slanders have 
been showered. Long known and appreciated, as 
successivelv a member of both Houses of your Na- 
tional Legishiture, as the unrivaled speaker, and, at 
the same time, most efficient leader of debates in one 
of them ; as an able and successful negotiator for 
your interests in war and peace with foreign powers, 



OFHENRYCLAT. 89 

and as a powei'ful candidate for tlie liiglicst of your 
trusts — the Department of State itself was a station, 
wliich, by its bestowal^ could confer neither profit nor 
honor upon him^ but upon whicli lie lias shed nnfading* 
lienor, bv tlie manner in which he has discharo'rd its 
duties. Prejudice and passion have charged l.ini 
with obtaining that office by bargain and c(jrruption.. 
Hefore you. niy fellow-citizens^ in the presence of our 
country and Ileoven^ 1 pronounce that charge totally un- 
founded. This tribute of instice is due from me to 
him, and I seize, witli pleasure, the opportunity 
atibrded me by your letter, of discharging the ob- 
liu:ation." 

The administration of Mr. Adams was assailed 
during its entire pi'ogress witli tlie most extraordinary 
bitteiness and hostility. Various causes led to this 
result, which need not here be detailed. Prominent 
annuig the statesmen who were inimical to the mea- 
sures which tlie President and his' Cabinet com- 
niended and ap[:)roved, was John Randolph of Vir- 
ginia. The spirit which characterized his speeches at 
this period, will appear from the following remarkable 
extract from one of them, referrinu' to Mr. Adams: 

"Who made him a judge of (.)ur usages? Who 
consiituted him? Me has l)een a professor, I under- 
stand. I wish he had left off the pedagogue when he 
got into the Executive chair. AVho made him the censor 
woruni of this body ? Will any one answer this ques- 
tion? Yes or no? Who? Kame the person. Above 
all, \\ ho made him the searcher of hearts, and irave 
him the right, by an inuendo bhu k as hell, to blacken 
our motives? liiacken our motives I I did not say 
8* 



1*0 



T n i: L 1 1' !•; and times 



tliat tlien. I was move uiidcr sclf-commarul'; I did 
not use siuli stron^c laiiii:iia2;e. I said, if he cor.ld 
bc>rr()\v the eye of Omiiiscieiice liimseif, and look into 
evvvv l>osoni here; if he could look into tliat n)ost 
awful, calamitous, and tremendous of all possible 
gulfs, the naked unveiled human heart, stripped of all 
its eoveriiiiT of self-love, exposed naked, as to the eye 
of God — I said if he could do that, he was not, as 
President of the United States, entitled to pass u]'>on 
our motives, althouu^h lie saw and knew them to he 
bad. I said, if he had converted us to the Catholic 
reliu'ion, and was our fatber confessor, and every man 
in this House at the footstool of the confessional had 
confessed a bad motive to him bv tbe laws of his 
church, as by this Constitution, above the law and 
above the church, he, as President of the United 
States, could not pass on our motives, tbou<rh we bad 
toid him with our own lips our motives, and confessed 
they were bad. I said this then, and I say it now. Here 
I iilant mv foot; bere I iiinc; deiiance riaht in'o his 
teeib before the American people; here I throw the 
t^auntlet to him and the bravest of his comi)eers, to 
come forward and defend these miserable lines: ' In- 
vohina" a de}iarture, hithei'to, so far as I am informed, 
without example, fi'om that usage, and upon the 
motives for which, not being informed of them, I do 
not feel myself competent to decide.' Amiable mo- 
desty ! I wonder we did not, all at once, fall in love 
with him, and agree una voce to publish oui" proceed- 
ings, (.'XL-ept myself, for I quitted tbe l^enate ten 
minutes l.»efoie the vote was taken. I saw what was 
to follow ; I knew the thing would not be done ut all, 



OF HENRY CLAY. 91 

or \v(Mil(l he done una'nimoiisl}'. Tlierefore, in spite 
of the renionstnuices of friends, I went awav, not 
fearing that any one wonld douht what rnj^ vote would 
have heen, if I had staid. After twenty-six hours' 
exertion, it was time to give in. I ^^■as defeated, 
liorsi-, f)ot, and dragoons — cut up, and clean hroke 
down l)y the coalition of Blilil and Black George — 
ly the. comhiriafion, unheard of till then, of the puritan 
with the blackleg.'" 

The last ex[)ression contained in this speech, which 
ap|)lied tlie epithet of "puritan" to Mr. Adams, and 
tliat of '^hlackleg" to the Secretary of State, — therehj 
alluding to the prevalent report that Mr. Clay was 
addicted to the gaming-tahle, — led to the memorahle 
duel wliich took place between him and tlie re})re- 
sentative from Roanoke. These two celel)rated men 
had heen born within a few miles of each other — 
Mr. Clay on the low marshes of ITanover, ^Ir. Ran- 
dolph on the high hhifFs of the Ai»])()mattox. Their 
chai'acters were as different as tlieir positions and 
careers in life; the one genial, eloquent, graceful; the 
other, sarcastic, repu'sive, and liated by all. save liis 
few ]>ersonal fiends, with whom lie came in contact. 
Each was the acknowledged cham])i()n of a great 
party, which fact gave greater signilicance aitd im- 
portance to tlieir conduct. After the utterance of the 
insult contained in liis last speech, Mr. Clay demanded 
an apology from his antagonist, which was refused. 
Mr. Clay then placed a challenge in the hands of his 
friend, General Jessnp, to be conveyed to Mr. Ran- 
dolph. The General and Colonel Tattnall, the friend 
of Mr. Randolph, agreed to suspend the delivery of 



92 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



tlie liostilc niospago, witli tlio ]\()pe tliat some expla- 
nation or ac'coniniodation miulit be efit'cted l^'twcon 
tlie parties. Jessnj) stated tliat the injury of \Aliicli Mr. 
Chi}' complained "\\as two-fold ; tliat he had chaiired 
him with having- forged or manufactured a paper con- 
nected with the Panama Mission, and that he had 
apjdied to him the op[)robrious e})ithet of '' blackleg." 
Jessuj) demanded that Mr. Kandol])h should declare 
that he had no intentir)n of charirinii: Mr. C'lav with 
falsifying any paper or mis-stating any fact wliate\'er; 
and that the word ''blackleg," as used by Mr. Ran- 
dolph, ^^■as intended to apply to some other individual. 

Mr. Tattnall communicated this demand to Mr. 
Randolph. His reply was as follows, and at once put 
an end to all p'ospect of accommodation : 

"I have <rone as far as T could \\\ waivinof mv pri- 
vilege to accept a peremptory challenge from a minis- 
ter of the Executive Government, under anv circum- 
stances, and especially under such circumstances. The 
woi-ds used by me were, that I t1i(^ught it ^vould be 
ill my power to show evidence, sufficiently presump- 
ti\e to satisfy a Charlotte jury, that this invitation 
was ''manufactured" here — that Salairar's letter sti'uck 
me as being a strong likeness in yioint of style, &c., 
to the other [)apers. I did not undertake to prove 
this, but expressed my suspicion that the fact was so. 
I a[)plied to the Administration the epithet, "puri- 
tardc, di])lomatic. blackleo:<2:ed Administration. 

"I have no explanations to give — Twill not give 
any — 1 am called to the field — I have ao-reed to iro 
and am ready to go." 

The seconds proceeded to make the necessar}' pre- 



OFHENRYCLAY. 9 



o 



parations. During the niirlit preoedins: the duel, ^^l^ 
Kuiidolph was foiiiKl hy his friend James Hamilton, 
in a "aim and kindlv humor. lie eornmuiiicat-d to 
Geu'jral Hamilton the determination which he had 
adopted, not to return Mr. Clay's fire: "JS^otliing 
shall induce me to harm a hair of his head. 1 will 
not make his wife a widow, and his children orphans. 
Their tears would he shed over his grave; hut when 
tlje sod of A"iri:inia rests on mv hosom, there is not in 
this wide world one individual to pay this tribute ui)on 
mine." Tears then beyan to flow from those basilisk 
eves, so loui^ unused to the meltinic mood. Hamilton 
re[)lied that such a resolution was extraordinary, and 
that it amounted in substance to a determination on 
his part to go to the field with an intention to throw 
his life away. Ko appeals, however, could induce 
him then to alter his purpose; but at a subsequent 
hour of the night, when Gen. Hamilton called upon 
him again, in com[)any with Cul. Tatnall, they found 
him reading Milton's Paradise Lost; upon the beau- 
ties of which he dwelt with his usual discriminaticm 
and sagacity. At length he adverted to his intention 
not to return Mr. Clav's fire. His friends once more 
expostulated with him upon such a purpose of self- 
sacrifice ; and at length lie modified his drsi^-n bv 
saying: "Well, I promise you one thing; if I see the 
devil in Clay's eye, and that with malice prepense he 
means to take my life, I will cliange my mind." 

During the interval which preceded the duel, Mr. 
Clay adjusted his private afi:'airs, but carefully kept 
the a|)proacliing interview concealed from his family. 
The combatants met the next day at f-^ur o'clock, op 



94 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



tho banks of tlie Potomac. Tlie snii was jn«t declining 
in mellowed beauty behind tlie blue liilU of Viriiinia, 
when these two men, among the most remarka'ole and 
gifted of her cliildren, met a]')parently in mortal con- 
flict. B(^th seemed to be cahn and self-possessed, in 
the near view of possible death wbic-h they both en- 
tertained. I\and()l]>li again repeated to Gen. Ilaniil- 
tnn bis determination not to return Mr. Clay's tire, 
lie well knew that he was one of the best shots of 
tbe day, and that Clay's life was in his hands. When 
taking their respective positions, and in handling'' tbe 
weapon assigned him, Mr. Eandolph accidentally 
sprang the trigger, with tbe muzzle of tbe ])istol 
dow n. General Jessup instantly exclaimed, tbat if 
that incident occurred again be would instantly leave 
the ground. ^Ir. Clay replied tbat it was doubtless 
an accident, and begged tbat the gentlemen would 
pr(K'eed. The positions were again taken, tbe word 
was iiiven, Mr. Clay fired, missing his adversary, and 
Mr. Kandolph then discharged bis pistol in tbe air. 
As soon as Mr. Clay perceived this act of Kandolpli, 
he instantly a[)proacbed tbe latter, and excbiimed: ''I 
trust in God, my dear sir, tbat you are unhurt; after 
wbat lias occurred, I would not bave harmed von for 
a thousand worlds." Tbus ended this famous duel; 
presenting on both sides, and in tbe conduct of each 
of tbese remarkable men, tluit c'ond)ination of ab- 
surdity and contradiction of pi'inciple and action, 
in wbich tbe so-called code of bonor inexitablv in- 
volvcs even tbe most gifted and cininent of those \\liO 
practise its usages, and defer to its authority. 

The last interview which ever took place between 



i 



F H E N R Y C L A Y . 95 

Messrs. Clay and Eaiidolph occnrred in ^farch, 1833 
a short time before tlie death of the hitter, lie wa^ 
then on his way to Phihidelplda, where lie afterward 
ex[)ired. The Senate was holdins: a night session, 
and Mr. Clay was speaking when Randolph was car- 
ried into the Senate Chamber, and placed in a chair. 
"Hold me up," said he to his attendants; '^i htyve 
come to hear that voice.''' When Mr. Clav concluded 
his remarks, he approached Mr. Randolph, and they 
cordially saluted each other. Such was the termina- 
tion of an acquaintance which had continr.ed during- 
the quarter of a century, and which had been to each 
party the source of the utmost bitterness, anxiety, 
and maiignity, during the greater portion of its du- 
ration. 

In the autumn of 1828 the general election took 
place, which resulted in the elevation of Andrew 
Jackson to the Presidency. John C. Calboun was 
chosen Vice-President. With the conclusion of the 
administration ot John Q'lincy Adams, Mr. Clay's 
official duties terminated. The triumph of the Demo- 
cratic party in the person of the Hero of Xew Orleans, 
and his immense popularity with the nati(ni, tended 
to increase the odium which had already been accu- 
mulated on the head of Mr. Clay, as his ablest o}»po- 
nent, in consequence of the charges of corruption 
which had previously been urged against him. The 
latter at once prepared to remove his family to Ken- 
tucky. Previous to his departure from Washington, 
a number of his friends invited him to a public 
dinner; on which occasion he delivered a speech in 
which he vindicated himself from the slanders and 



96 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



cTuir2:os of Lis onpmief. aiul stated bis opinions of 
j)ul»lic afi'airri. S;ii<l hv : 

''I should be ^'lad to feel tliatleoiild with anv pro- 
j.riety abstain fnnn any allusion, at tbis time and at tbia 
plaee, to public afiairs. But considerinir tbe occasion 
wbich lias brouirbt us too^etber, tlie events which have 
preceded it, and the influence wbich they n^ay exert 
upon the destinies of our country, my silence mi^iiht 
be misinterpreted, and I think it tlierefon- y>ro])er that 
I should embrace thisiirst public opp<»rtunit_\ u^ icb I 
have bad of sayiiiij: a few words, since the termination 
of tbe late memorable and embittered contest. It is 
far from mv wish to continue or to revive t-e aofita- 
ti(m with which that contest was attended. It is ended, 
for ir<)od or f )r evil. The nati(m wants repose. A ma- 
jority of the peo[>le has decided, and Irom their (bci- 
sion there can and ou<rbt to be no a|)])e;d. Pxnxinir, 
as I do, with })rofound respect to them, and to this exer- 
cise of their sovereii^ni autboi'ity, I may nevertheless 
be allowed to retain and to ex])ress my own unc'!anL'"ed 
sentiments, even if they sliould not be in perfect co- 
incidence with theirs. It is a source of biub o-ratifi- 
cation to me to believe that I share these sentiments 
in commor- with more than half-a-million of freemen, 
possessing a degree of virtue, of intelligence, of reli- 
gion, and of genuine patriotism, which, without dis- 
parai^euiei o others, is unsurpassed, in the same 
number oi nen in tbis or any other country, in tbis 
or any othe ;iige. 

'' I deprecated tlie election of the present President 
of tbe United States, because I bilieved he had nei- 
ther the temper, the experience, nor tbe attainmeJits 



OFHENRYCLAY. 97 

requisite to discliarge the complicated and arduous 
duties of cliief magistrate. I deprecated it still more, 
because bis elevation, I believe, would be the result 
exclusively of admiration and gratitude for military 
service, wi bout regard to indispensable civil qualifi- 
cations. I can neither retract, nor alter, nor modify 
any opinion which, on these subjects, I have at any 
time heretofore expressed. I thought I beheld in his 
election an awful foreboding of the fate which, at 
some future (I pray to God that, if it ever arrive, it 
may be some far distant) day was to befall this infant 
republic. All past history has impressed on my mind 
this so emn appi'ehension. Nor is it eifaced or weak- 
ened by contemporaneous events passing upon our 
own favored continent. It is remarkable that, at 
this epoch, at the head of eight of the nine inde- 
pendent governments established in both Americas, 
niilitary officers have been placed, or have placed 
themselves. General Lavalle has, by military force, 
subverted the republic of La Plata. General Santa 
Ci'uz is the chief magistrate of Bolivia; Colonel 
Pinto of Cliili ; General Lamar of Peru, and General 
Bolivar of Colombia. Central America, rent in 
pie.-es, and bleeding at every pore trom wounds in- 
fiicti d by contending military factions, is under the 
altern ite sway of their chiefs. In the gov/ -'nment of 
our nearest neighbor, an election, cond? Ued accord- 
ing to all the requirements of their Consi Ttution, has 
terminated with a majority of the Siat. van favor of 
l^edrazza, the civil candidate. An ins .rrection was 
raised in behalf of his military rival ; the cry, not 
exactly of a bargain, but of corruption, was sounded; 
9 G 



yy THELIFEANDTIMES 

the election was annulled, and a refornn effected hv 
proclaiming General Guerrero, having only a minority 
of the States, duly elected President. The thnnders 
from the surrounding forts, and the acclamations of 
the assemhled multitude, on the fourtli, told us what 
General was at the head of our affairs. It is true, 
and in this respect we are happier thaji some of tlie 
American States, that his election has not heen 
brought about by military violence. Tlie forms of 
the Constitution have yet remained inviolate. In re- 
asserting the opinions which I hold, nothing is fur- 
ther from my purpose than to treat with the slightest 
disrespect those of my fellow-citizens, here or else- 
where, who may entertain opposite sentiments. The 
fact of claiming and exercising the free and inde- 
pendent expression of the dictates of my own delibe- 
rate judgment, affords the strongest guarantee of my 
full recognition of their corresponding privilege. A 
majority of my fellow-citizens, it would seem, do not 
perceive the dangers which I apprehended from the 
example. Believing that they are not real, or that 
we have some security against their effect, which 
ancient and modern republics have not found, that 
majority, in the exercise of their incontestable right 
of suffrage, have chosen for chief magistrate a citizen 
who brings into that high trust no Ciualilication other 
than military triumph." 

This was the darkest period of Mr. Clay's career — 
the crisis when the malignity of his triumphant ene- 
mies flooded the country with calumnies of every de- 
scription against him, and endeavored to crush him 
beneath the weight of their detractions. Neverthe- 



or HENRY CLAY. 99 

less, his former constituents in Kentuclcy continned 
to regard him with the same admiration and par- 
tiality. He remained in retirement neai^ly three 
ye:irs, engaged in the duties of his profession, lie 
duly appreciated the firmness with which the inhabi- 
tants of Kentucky adhered to him through evil as 
well as through good report, and thus expressed him- 
self on the subject on a public occasion : 

"When I felt as if I should sink beneath the storm 
of abuse and detraction which was violently raging 
around me, I have found myself upheld and sus- 
tained by your encouraging voice and your approving 
smiles. I have, doubtless, committed many faults 
and indiscretions, over which you have thrown the 
broad mantle of 3'our charity. But I can say, and 
in the presence of my God and of this assembled 
multitude I will say, that I have honestly and faith- 
fully served my countrj-; that I have never wronged 
it; and that, however unprepared I lameiit that I am, 
to appear in the Divine Presence on other accounts, 
I invoke the stern justice of His judgment on my 
public conduct, without the smallest apprehension of 
His displeasure." 

During the period of his retirement Mr. Clay 
visited New Orleans, Columbus, Cincinnati, and 
other places in the South and West, where his friends 
complimented him with public receptions. At length, 
in the autumn of 1831, he was recalled to public life 
by being again chosen by the Legislature of Ken- 
tucky, to represent that Commonwealth in the Sen;ite 
of the United States. He accordingly resumed his 
seat in that body, at the opening of the first session 



100 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



of the Twenty-second Coiifcress. It was alxMit tho 
same period that he was nominated for tlie Presi- 
dency by the National Republican Conventir)n, 
which convened at Baltimore in December, 1831. 
John Sergeant of Pennsylvania was proposed by 
that assembly for the oftice of Vice-president. The 
result of the conflict which ensued was the election 
of General Jackson to a second term of the chief 
rn assist racy. 



I 



OF HENRY CLAY. 101 



CIIAPTEE YIII. 



THE TARIFF OF 1832 — MR. CLAY's BILL — HIS ARGUMENT IN DEFENCK 

OF IT — DISCONTENT IN SOUTH CAROLINA THE PROCLAMATION OP 

PRESIDENT JACKSON — COUNTER PROCLAMATION OF GOVERNOR HAYNE 
MR. clay's COMPROMISE BILL — HIS ARGUMENT IN SUPPORT OF IT 

— MR. Webster's opposition — its final passage — peace of the 

UNION PRESERVED — MR. CLAY's JOURNEY THROUGH THE NORTHERN 

AND EASTERN STATES — EXHIBITIONS OF POPULAR ENTHUSIASM 

HIS RETURN TO WASHINGTON. 



The subject of the Tariff was the most important 
which eiio:a2:ed the attention of Con ogress in the ses- 
sion of 1831-32. South Carolina had already at that 
period commenced to exliibit a spirit of discontent, 
and of insubordination to the revenue laws of the 
United States, which afterward culminated in the 
most serious results. For the purpose of producing 
harmony, Mr. Chiy introduced a resolution in the 
Senate on the 9th of January, 1832, providing for 
the abolition of the existing duties upon articles im- 
ported from foreign countries, not coming into com- 
}»etition with similar articles made or produced in the 
United States, except the duties on wines and silks, 
and that these ought to be reduced; and also that 
the Committee on Finance be instructed to report ac- 
cordingly, lie supported this resolution by an able 
speech, to which Mr. Ilayue of South Carolina re- 
9* 



102 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

sponded. The subject underwent a protracted debate, 
and was still before tlie Senate on the second of Feb- 
rnarv, when Mr. Clav commenced tlie delivery of 
bis famous oration in defence of the American system, 
and in opposition to the British colonial system. The 
delivery of this speech occupied that day, the whole 
of the next, and was at length concluded on the sixth 
of that month. It was one of his master-pieces; 
and on no other occasion did bis remarkable abilities 
shine forth with greater lustre, or more astounding 
efiect. As an illustration of the method with which 
Mr. Clay treated the dry details of an argument on 
commercial affairs, we may adduce the following 
extracts from this oration : 

"Such are some of the items of this vast system 
of protection which it is now proposed to abandon. 
AVe might well pause and contemplate, if human 
imairination could conceive the extent of mischief and 
ruin from its total overthrow, before we proceed to 
the work of destruction. Its duration is worthy also 
of serious consideration. Kot to go behind the Con- 
stitution, its date is coeval with that instrument. It 
beiran on the ever-memorable fourth dav of Julv — 
the fourth day of July, 1789. The second act which 
stands recorded in the statute-book, bearing the illus- 
trious signature of George Washington, laid the cor- 
ner-stone of the whole system. That there might be 
no mistake about the matter, it was then solemnly 
proclaimed to the American people and to the world, 
that it was necessary for 'the encouragement and /?ro- 
tfction of manufactures,' that duties should be laid. 
It is in vain to urge the small amount of the measure 



OF HENRY CLAY. 103 

of the protection then extended. The great principle 
was then established by the fathers of the Constitu- 
.tion, with the father of liis country at their head. 
And it cannot now he questioned, tliat, if the govern- 
ment had not then been new and the subject untried, 
a greater measure of protection would have been 
applied, if it had been supposed necessary. Shortly 
after, the master-minds of Jefierson and Hamilton 
were brought to act on this interesting subject. Tak- 
ing views of it appertaining to the departments of 
Foreign Affairs and of the Treasury, which they re- 
spectively tilled, they presented, severally, reports 
which yet remain monuments of their profound wis- 
dom, and came to the same conclusion of protectioi 
to American industry. Mr. Jefferson argued that 
foreign restrictions, foreign prohibitions, and foreign 
high duties, ought to be met at home by American 
restrictions, American prohibitions, and American 
high duties. Mr. Hamilton, surveying the entire 
ground, and looking at the inherent nature of the 
subject, treated it with an abilitv which, if ever 
equalled, has not been surpassed, and earnestly recom- 
mended protection. 

"If we purchased still less from Great Britain than 
we do, aiid our conditions were reversed, so that the 
value of her imports from this country exceeded that 
of her exports to it, she would oidy then be compelled 
to do what we have so long done, and what South 
Carolina does, in her trade with Kentucky, make up 
for the unfavorable balance by trade W'ith other places 
and couiitries. How does she now dispose of the one 
hundred and sixty millions of dollars' worth of cotton 



1 04 T H E L I F E A N D T I M E S 

fabrics which she an nn ally sells? Of that amount 
the United States do not purchase five per centum. 
Wliat becomes of the other ninety-five per centum? 
Is it not sold to other powers, and \\onld not tlieir 
markets remain, if ours were totally shut? Would 
she not continue, as she now finds it her interest, to 
purchase the raw niaterial from us, to supi)ly those 
luarkcts? "Would she be guilty of the folly of de- 
priving herself of markets to the amount of upward 
of one hundred and fifty millions of dollars, because 
we refused her a market for some eii^-ht or ten mil- 
lions ? 

"But if there were a diminution of tlie British 
demand for cotton equal to the loss of a market for 
the few British fabrics which are within the scope of 
our protective policy, the question would still remain, 
whether the cotton-planter is not amply indemnified 
by the creation of additiomil demand elsewhere? 
"With respect to the cotton-grower, it is the totnlity of 
the demand, and not its dUtribution^ which attccts his 
interests. If any system of policy will augn^ent the 
aiTirreo^ate of the demand, that system is favorable to 
liis interests, alth()Ui2:h its tendency may be to vjiry 
the theatre of the demand. It could not, for exaiu- 
ple, be injurious to him, if, instead of Great Biitain 
continuing to receive the entire quantity of cotton 
which she now does, two or three hundred thousand 
bales of it \^■ere taken to tlie other side of the chan- 
nel, and increased to that extent the French demand. 
It would be better for him, because it is aluavs better 
to have several markets than one. Xow if, instead 
of a transfer to the opposite side of the channel, of 



OF HENRY CLAY. 105 

those two or three hundred thousand bales, they are 
transported to the Northern States, can that be inju- 
rious to the cotton-grower? Is it not better for him? 
Is it not better to have a market at home, unaffected 
by war, or other foreign causes, for that amount of 
his staple ? 

"If the establishment of American manufactures, 
therefore, had the sole effect of creating a new and 
an American demand for cotton, exactly to the same 
extent in which it lessened the British demand, there 
would be no just cause of complaint against the tariff. 
The gain in one place would precisely equal the loss 
ih the other. But the true state of the matter is 
much more favorahle to the cotton-o-rower. It is cal- 
culated that the cotton manufactories of the United 
States absorb at least two hundred thousand bales of 
cotton annually. I believe it to be more. The two 
ports of Boston and Providence alone received durino- 
the last year near one hundred and ten thousand 
bales. The amount is annually increasing. The raw 
material of that two hundred thousand bales is worth 
six millions, and there is an additional value conferred 
bv the manufacturer of eio-hteen millions; it heinsT 
generally calculated that, in such cotton fabrics as we 
are in the habit of making, the manufacture consti- 
tutes three-fourths of the value of the article. If, 
therefore, these twenty-four millions' worth of cotton 
fahrics were not made in the United States, but were 
manufactured in Great Britain, in order to obtain 
them, we should have to add to the alreadv enormous 
dis{»roportion between the amount of our imports and 
exports, in the trade with Great Britain, the further 



106 



THE L I F 10 A X D T I M E S 



sum of twenty-four millions, or, deducting tlie price 
of tlie raw material, eitrjiteen millions! And will 
gentlemen tell me how it would be })Ossible for tliis 
country to sustain such a ruinous trade ? From all 
tliat portion of the United States Ivino: north and 
east of James River, and west of the mountains, 
Great Britain receives comparativelv nothing". How 
would it be possible for the inhabitants of that largest 
portion of our territory, to sui)ply themselves with 
cotton fabrics, if thev were brousrht from Entrland 
exclusively ? They could not do it. But for the ex- 
istence of the American manufacture, tliev would be 
compelled greatly to curtail their suj)plies, if not ab- 
solntelv to sutfer in their comforts. Bv its existence 
at home, the circle of those exchanges is created, 
which recii)rocallv diffuses amons^ all who are em- 
braced within it the productions of their respective 
industry. The cotton-grower sells the raw material 
to the manufacturer; he buys the iron, the bread, the 
lueal, the coal, and the countless number of objects 
of his consumption from Iiis fellow-citizens, and they 
in turn imrcliase his fabrics. Putting it U})on the 
ground merely of supplying those with necessary 
articles who could not otherwise obtain them, ouirht 
there to be from any quarter an objection to the onlv 
system by which that object can be accomj»lished ? 
But can there be any doubt, with those who will re- 
flect, that the actual amount of cotton consumed is 
increased by the home manufacture? The main ar- 
gument of gentlemen is founded upon the idea of 
mutual ability resulting' from mutual exchamres. 
They would furnish an ability to foreign nations by 



OF HENRY CLAY. 107 

pnrcliasiiig from them, and I, to our own people, by 
exclianfces at home. If the American mannfactnre 
were diseontinncd, and that of England were to take 
its place, how would she sell the additional quantity 
of twentv-four millions of cotton floods, wlfich wo 
now make? To us? That has been shown tc be 
impracticable. To other foreign nations? She has 
already pushed her supplies to them to the utmost 
extent. The ultimate consequence would then be, to 
diminish the total consumption of cotton, to say no- 
thing of the reduction of price that would take place 
bv throwino^ into the ports of Eno-land the two hun- 
dred thousand bales which would go thither." 

On the 13th of March, 1832, a bill was reported 
accordino' to the suo;crestion of Mr. Clay, embodvino^ 
liis views, which afterward passed both Houses with 
some modification in July. The revenue was reduced 
by its operation, but the Protective System was pre- 
served. The law was received with different senti- 
ments in different portions of the Union. The dis- 
content was greatest and fiercest in South Carolina. 
The tariff of 1832 was made tlie subject of popular 
opprobrium; and a Convention was beld in that 
State which enacted a nullifvino; ordinance, and 
became a part of its fundamental law. This event 
took place on the 24th of November. The ordinance 
was signed by James Hamilton as chairman, and one 
hundred and forty members, including many of the 
leading citizens of South Carolina. The Convention 
prepared and issued an address to the people of the 
United States, in which the following language occurs: 

" Under a system of free trade, the aggregate crop 



108 



THE lift: and t i m e s 



of Smitli Carolina would l)e exchaiisred for a larsrer 
quantity of manufactures, by at least one-third, tlian 
it can he exchanged for under the protecting system. 
It is no less evident, tliat the value of the crop is di- 
minished hy the protecting system very nearly, if not 
precisely, to the extent that the aggregate quantity of 
manufactures that is obtained for it, is diminished. 
It is indeed strictly and phih)Sophically true, that the 
quantity of consumable commodities which can be 
obtained for the cotton and rice annually produced 
b}' the industry of the State, is tlie precise measure 
of their aggregate value. But for the prevalent and 
habitual error of confounding the money price with 
the exchangeable value of our agricultural sta})les, 
these propositions would be regarded as self-evident. 
If the protecting duties were repealed, one hundred 
bales of cotton, or one hundred barrels of rice, would 
purchase as lai-ge a quantity of matiufactures as one 
hundred and fifty will now [jui'chase. The annual 
income of the State, its means of purchasing and 
consuming the necessaries and comforts and luxuries 
of life, would be increased in a corresponding degree. 
Almost the entire crop of South Carolina, amounting 
annualU- to more tlian six millions of dollars, is ulti- 
matelv exchaui^^ed either for forei^-n manufactures 
subject to protecting duties, or for similar domestic 
manufactures. '^I'he natural value of that cro|) would 
be all the manufactures which we could obtain for it 
under a system of unrestricted commerce. The arti- 
licial \alue produced 1)}' the unjust and unconstitu- 
tional legislation of Congress, is only sucli j)art of 
these manufactures as will remain after paying a duty 



OF HENRY CLAY. 109 

of fifty per cent, to the o^ovcrmnent ; or, to Rpeak with 
more precision, to the Northern manufactnrers. .. . . 
The inevitahle result is, that the manufactures tlius 
lawfully acquired by the honest industry of South 
Carolina, are worth annually three millions of dollars 
less to her citizens, than the very same quantity, of 
the very same description, of manufactures is worth 
to tiie citizens of a nun lufactii ring State — a ditierence 
of value produced exclusively by the operation of the 
protecting system. No ingenuity can either evade or 
refute this proposition. Tlie verj- axioms of geometry 
aie not more self-evident We contidently ap- 
peal to our confederated States, and to the whole 
world, to decide whether the annals of human leu-is- 
lation furnish a parallel instance of injustice and op- 
pression perpetrated in the form of free government. 
However it may be disguised by the complexity of 
the process by which it is effected, it is nothing less 
than the monstrous outrage of takinu: three millions 
of dollars annually from the value of the productions 
of South Carolina, and transferring it to the people 
of other and distant communities." 

Irritated by these exhibitions of hostility to a law 
which he had approved, General Jackson issued his 
proclauiation on the 10th of December, 1882, de- 
nouncing the proceedings which had taken place in 
South Carolina as treasonable, and insisting that they 
should be immediately abandoned. Ten days after- 
ward Governor Hayne issued a counter proclamation, 
urging all patriotic citizens of the State to obey the 
ordinance of nullitication. When the second session 
of the twenty-second Congress opened, the presence 
10 



110 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

aiul influence of Mr. Calhoun, who had resigned the 
V^ice-Presidency, and accepted a seat in the Senate, 
and whom General Jackson had ar one time threat- 
ened to arrest on his arrival at Washington, — became 
invested with immense importance, as the leader and 
oi-iginator of the project of nullification, and as the 
great i'e[)res(^ntative, pro hac vice, of State rights, in 
opposition to those of Federal law and government. 

A collision of the most dangerous and de-perate 
character between the President and the State of 
South Carolina, seemed inevitable; but just in tlie 
most critical moment, Mr. Clay came forward in the 
Senate with his celebrated "Compromise Bill," which 
provided for a gradual reduction of duties till the 
year 1842, when twenty per cent., at a home valuation, 
should become tlie rate, until some other proportion 
should be established by the authority of law. This 
Compromise Bill was the product of much study and 
reflection on the part of its author. When passing 
through Philadelphia, previous to tiie opening of the 
session, Mr. Clay had held conferences with the lead- 
inir manufacturers of that citv, — then, as now, the 
centre of the manufacturing enteri)rise and resources 
of the Union, — to ascertain the opinions which they 
had derived from tlieir practical knowledge and ex- 
perience of the subject. On arriving at Washington, 
lie conferred with Mr. Calhoun upon the existing 
difficulties, and compared views with him in refer- 
ence to the necessary and practicable changes in the 
tariff. His rare powers of persunsion and concilia- 
tion were used to the utmost, in })ro(lucing a spirit 
of harmony among Southern Kepresentatives, .who 



OF HENRY CLAY. 11] 

had been most disposed to refractory measures. He 
prevailed so far, that at last they generally expressed 
the feeling, that they nuicli preferred that the diffi- 
culty should be settled by Mr. Clay, than by the 
arbitrary measures threatened by the Federal Gov- 
ernment. 

The Compromise Act was discussed with mnch 
zeal and abilitj^ in both Houses of Congress. Its 
chief opponent was Daniel Webster, who threw into 
the scale against it the ponderous weight of his talents 
and influence. Mr. Clay met the arguments which 
he advanced with great boldness and skill. He thus 
replied to the chief considerations advanced by the 
Colossus of the North against the bill: 

".The Senator from Massachusetts objects to the 
bill under consideration, on various o;n)unds. He 
argues, that it imposes unjustifiable restraints on the 
power of future legislation ; that it abandons the pro- 
tective policy; and that the details of the bill are 
practically defective. He does not object to the gra- 
dual, but very inconsiderable, reduction of duties 
which is made prior to 1842. To that he could not 
object, because it is a species of prospective provision, 
as he admits, in conformity with numerous prece- 
dents on our statute-book. He does not object so 
much to the state of the proposed law [)rior to 1842, 
during a period of nine yetirs , but, throwing himself 
forward to the termination of that period, he contends 
that Congress will then find itself under inconvenient 
shackles, imposed by our indiscretion. In the first 
place, I would remark, that the bill contains no obli- 
gatory pledges — it could make none — none are at- 



112 



THE LIFE AXD TIMES 



tetnpted. The power over tlie subject is in the Con- 
stitution, put there b}- those who formed it, and liable 
to be taken out only by an amendment of the instru- 
ment. The next Coni>:ress, and every succeedino: 
Congress, will undoubtedly have the power to repeal 
the law whenever they may think proper. Whether 
tiie^' will exercise it, or not, will depend upon a sound 
discretion, applied to tlie state (>f the whole country, 
and esrimating fairly tlie consequences of the repeal, 
both upon the general harmony and tlie common in- 
terests. Then the bill is founded in a spirit of com- 
promise. Now, in all compromises tliere must be 
mutual concessions. The friends of free-trade insist, 
that duties should be laid in reference to revenue 
alone. The friends of American industry say, that 
another, if not paramount object in laying them, 
should l)e, to diminish the consumption of foreign, 
and increase that of domestic pi'oducts. On this point 
the parties divide, and between these two opjjosite 
O[»inions a reconciliation is to be etiected, if it can be 
accom[)lislied. The l)ill assumes as a basis adequate 
protection for nine years, and less beyond that ;erm. 
The friends of protection say to their o})poneiits, wo 
are willing to take a lease of nine ^^ears, with tlie 
long cha[)ter of accidents beyond that period, includ- 
ing the chance of war, the restoration of concord, and 
along with it a conviction common to ad, of the utility 
of protection ; and in consideration of it, if, in 1842, 
none of these contini>;encies shall have been realized, 
we are willing to submit, as loiii;' as Conuress mav 
think pr<i}>er, to a maximum rate of twenty }>er 
centum, with the power of discrimination beiuw it, 



OF HENRY CLAY. 113 

cash duties, Jiome valuations, and a liberal list of free 
articles, for the beiielit of the manufacturing interest. 
To these conditions the opponents of protection are 
readv to accede. The measure is vviiat it professes to 
be, a compromise; but it imposes, and could impose, 
no restriction upon the will or power of a future Con- 
gress. Dt)ubtless great respect will be paid, as it 
ought to be paid, to the serious condition of the 
country that has prompted the passage of this bill. 
Any future Congress that might disturb this adjust- 
ment, would act under a high responsibility; but it 
would be entirely within its competency to repeal, if 
ii thought proper, the whole bill. It is far from the 
object of those who support this bill, to abandon or 
sui'render the policy of protecting American industry. 
Its protection or encouragement maj' be accomplished 
in various ways — lirst, hy bounties, as far as they 
are within the constitutional power of Congress to 
otfer them ; second, by prohibitions, totally excluding 
the foreign rival article; third, by high duties, with- 
out regard to the aggregate amount of revenue which 
they produce; fourtli, by discriminating duties, so 
adj listed as to limit the revenue to the economical 
wants of government ; and, lifth, by the admission of 
tlie raw material, and articles essential to manufac- 
tures, free ot duty ; to which may be added, cash du- 
ties, home valuations, and tiie regulation of auctions. 
A perfect sj'stem of protection would comprehend 
most, if not all these modes of alibrding it. There 
might be, at this time, a prohibition of certain arti- 
cles (ardent spirits and coarse C(;ttons, for example) 
to public advantage. If there were not inveterate 
10* H 



114: THE LIFfc) AND TIMES 

prejudices and conflicting opinions prevailing (and 
what statesman can totally disregard inipedinients?), 
such a compound system might be established. 

*'No\v, Mr. President, before the assertion is made, 
that the bill surrenders the protective policy, gentle- 
men should understand perfectly what it does not, as 
well as what it does propose. It impairs no power 
of Congress over the whole sul)ject; it contains no 
promise or pledge whatever, express or implied, as to 
bounties, prohibitions, or auctions; it does not touch 
the power of Congress in regard to them, and Con- 
gress is perfectly free to exercise that povrer at any 
time ; it expressly recognizes discrimirating duties 
within a prescribed limit; it provides for cash duties 
and home valuations ; and it secures a free list, em- 
bracing numerous articles, some of high importance 
to the manufacturing arts. Of all the modes of pro- 
tection which I have enumerated, it aflects oidy the 
third; that is to say, the imposition of high duties, 
producing a revenue beyond the wants of government. 
The Senator from Massachusetts contends that the 
policy of protection was settled in 1816, and that it 
has ever since been maintained. Sir, it was settled 
lono- before 1816. It is coeval with the present Con- 
stitution, and it will continue, under some of its va- 
rious aspects, during the existence of the government. 
Ko nation can exist, no nation perhaps ever existed, 
without protection in some tbrm, and to some extent, 
being api>lied to its own industry. The direct and 
necessary consequence of abandoning the protection 
of its own industry, would be to subject it to the 
restrictions and prohibitions of foreign Powers; and 



OF HENRY CLAY. 115 

no nation, for any leno-th of time, can endure an alien 
legislation, in which it has no will. The discontents 
which prevail, and the safety of the Republic, may 
require the modification of a specific mode of protec- 
tion, but it mast be preserved in some other more 
acceptable shape. 

^ >'A11 that was settled in 1816, in 1824, and in 1828, 
was, that protection should be afforded hy high du- 
ties, witJiout regard to the amount of the revenue which 
they might yield. During that whole period, we had 
a public debt which absorbed all the surpluses be- 
yond the ordinary wants of government. Between 
1816 and 1824, the revenue was liable to the ccreatest 
fluctuations, vibrating between the extremes of about 
nineteen and thirty-six millions of dollars. If there 
were more revenue, more debt was paid; if less, a 
smaller amount was reimbursed. Such was some- 
times the deficiency of the revenue, that it became 
necessary to the ordinary expenses of government, 
to trench upon the ten millions annually set apart as 
a sinking fund, to extinguish the public debt. If 
the public debt remained undischarged, or we had 
any other practical mode of appropriating the surplus 
revenue, the form of protection, by high duties, might 
be continued without public detriment. It is the pay- 
TTient of the public debt, then, and the arrest of in- 
ternal improvements by the exercise of the veto, that 
unsettles that specific form of protection. Nobody sup- 
poses, or proposes, that we should continue to ievj^ 
by means of high duties, a large annual surplus, of 
which no practical use can be made, for the sake of 
the incidental protection which they afford. The 



116 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

Secretary of the Treasury estimates tliat surplus on 
the existing scale of duties, and with the other sources 
of revenue, at six millions an u null v. An annual 
accumulation at that rate would, in a few^ years, bring 
into the treasury' the whole currency of the country, 
to lie there inactive and dormant." 

The Compromise Bill, in consequence of the unwea- 
ried exertions of Mr. Clay, passed the House on the 
26th of February, 1833, by a vote of one hundred and 
twenty to eiglity-four; and the Senate, on the 1st of 
March following, by a vote of twenty-nine to sixteen. 
This result was most propitious to the interests of 
the whole Confederacy, restoring concord, preserving 
unity, and averting civil war and bloodshed, the pro- 
bable horrors of which it would be impossible for the 
mind to conjecture, or adequately estimate ; while, 
at the same time, it placed Mr. Clay on an exalted 
and honorable eminence, as the preserver of the 
unity and prosperity of the natio!i. lie regarded 
the glorious work which he had been able to achieve 
with that particular pjride and joy, which were so 
natural to the breast of a true patriot, whose feli- 
citous destin}' it had been, to merit the gratiti-ide 
of his country by the importance and value of his 
services. 

In the autumn of 1833 ^Fr. Clay complied with 
repeated invitations which had been extended to 
bim, to visit the Northern and Eastern States of the 
Union. The reception with which he was greeted, 
diii-ing the progress of his jonrnev, indicated the im- 
mense popularity which he had attained, in the esti 
nialion of his countr\ men. Iiiiinense and enthusia^;- 



OF HENRY CLAY. 117 

tic crowds greeted liis arrival at Baltimore, Pliiladel- 
pliia, New York, Providence, Boston, Charlestown, 
Lowell, Salem, Albany-, and many other places of 
importance on his route. He declined the frequent 
invitations which he received to public dinners. The 
manufacturing population of New England, espe- 
cially, ijailed his presence as that of a public bene- 
factor and national favorite. He visited many insti- 
tutions of interest in the leading cities through which 
he passed ; and no conqueror, loaded with the spoils 
of blood-bouiJ'ht victories, ever received such o-enuine 
homage and applause from his countrymen, as this 
triumphant hero of peace, conciliation, and union, 
[le visited ex-President Adams at Quincy, and as- 
cended the historic heights of Bunker Hill; on 
which a platform having been erected, he was ad- 
dressed, in the presence of a great multitude, by 
Edward Everett, as chairman of the committee, in a 
complimentary speech. The recipient of these, and 
many other demonstrations of popular applause, re- 
turned to Washington at the opening of Congress. 
During the entire tour he was accompanied by Mrs. 
Clay, and by a portion of his family, who were thus 
the gratixied witnesses of this extraordinary exhibi- 
tion of a aation's esteem and admiratiou. 



118 THE LIFE AND TIMES 



CHAPTER IX. 

DISPOSAL OF THE PUBLIC LANDS POLICY OF MR. CLAY RESPECTIXQ 

TUEM — HIS REPORT ON THE SUBJECT — PRESIDENT JACKSOn's OP- 
POSITION TO IT — THE BANK OF THE UNITED STATES — THE PRE- 
SIDENT RESOLVES TO REMOVE THE DEPOSITS CHANGES PRODUCED 

THEREBY IN HIS CABINET — THE OPPOSITION OF CONGRESS TO THE 
MEASURE — THE DEPOSITS REMOVED — MR. CLAY's SPEECHES ON 
THE SUBJECT — THE EXPUNGING RESOLUTION — EXTRACTS. 

In March, 1832, the subject of the disposal of the 
public lands was introduced into the deliberations of 
Congress. A proposition was made by Mr. Bibb, of 
Kentuck}^ to reduce their price ; while other Repre- 
sentatives ursred that the public territory, which be- 
h)nired to the United States, should be sold to the 
respective States within which they were h)cated, at 
a moderate })i-ice. These propositions were referred 
to the committee of which Mr. Clay was a member; 
and the su[>positi()n was, that he miglit be tempted to 
advocate the sale of the public lands on those terms, 
in order to acquire popularity in the Western States, 
thereby defending a policy inconsistent with his pre- 
vious position. 

Mr. Clay detected the trap with his usual sagacity, 
and evaded it. The position which he assumed and 
advocated was not only independent of any selfish con- 
sideration, but was just and ecpiitable in itself. He 
contended that the public lands w^ere a national do« 



OF II EN KY CLAY. 119 

main, belonpng in common to the Federal Govern- 
ment. Ira riii^ht to this territory was based both on 
conquest and compact. It had been obtained by the 
blood and the money of the original thirteen colonic?;. 
The triun^pi at Yorktown, and the treaty of peace 
made by d;seomfited England, acknowledo^ino^ the 
freedom and independent sovereignty of the revolted 
colonies, coiipleted and perfected their indefeasible 
title. The thirteen States, the orii^inal foeliees of 
those donifiins, then conveyed their right, title, and 
interest the -ein to the Federal Government, to be ad- 
ministered for the common good, and to serve as 
sources fn. .11 wliich to replenish the common trea- 
sury. In r. turn, the Federal Government had pledged 
itself to administer the trust accordins; to the wishes 
of the grantors, — for the interests of the original pos- 
sessors, and of those new States which midit after- 
ward become incorporated into the Union. 

Mr. Clay made an able report from the Committee 
on Public Lands. The positions which he assumed 
and advocated on this subject will be understood 
most clearly from the following provisions of his 
bill: 

I. That after the thirty-first day of December, 
1832. twelve and a half per cent, of the net proceeds 
of the public lands sold within their limits, should be 
paid to Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, 
and Mississippi, over and above what these States 
were severally entitled to by the compacts of their 
admission into the Union ; to be applied to internal 
improvements and purposes of education within those 
States, under the direction of their Legislatures — in- 



1 1!0 T II E L T F E A N D T I M E S 

depcndeiitly of t])e provisions for the construction and 
iiiainteuance of tlie Ciinil)erlan(l road. 

II. After this deduction, the net proceeds were to 
he distributed among the (tlien) twenty-four States, 
according to their respective federal representative 
popuhition ; to be applied to such objects of internal 
iniprovenient, education, or colonization, as might bo 
designated by their respective Legislatures, or the 
reimbursement of any previous debt contracted for 
internal imi)rovements. 

III. The act to continue in force for five years, 
except in the event of a war with any foreign Power; 
and additional provisions to be made for any new 
State that might be meanwhile admitted to the 
Union. 

lY. The minimum price of the public lands not to 
be increased; and not less than eiglity thousand dol- 
lars per annum to be applied to complete the public 
survevs. 

Y. Land offices to be discontinued in districts 
where, for two successive years, the proceeds of sales 
should be insufficient to pay the salaries of the officers 
employed. 

YI. That certain designated quantities of land 
should be granted to six of the new States, not to be 
sold at a less price than the minimum price of lands 
Bokl by the United States, to be applied to internal 
improvements. 

General Jackson had previously advocated a simi- 
lar arrangement; nevertheless, when the biil passed 
both Houses, and was laid before him for his ap- 
proval, he could not sacrifice his personal hostility 



OFIIENRYCLAY. 121 

against the author of the bill to hi.s consistency, but 
vetoed it. Subsequently, on the 2d of May, 1884, 
Mr. Clay introduced his propositions again into Con- 
gress, and after a vigorous struggle, obtained the 
establishment of those principles and measures, in 
reference to the public lands, which he had always 
advocated, and \yhich haye remained the equitable 
and beneticent law of the land. 

The most important eyent connected with this 
period of Mr. Chiy's career, was the struii:i>'le between 
the Bank of the United States a!id President Jack- 
son. In 1830 the financial condition of tlie country 
was prosperous; yet at that period, the President 
commenced his attacks upon the " monster," which 
eventually led to the most serious results. In his 
message of that year he recommended the establish- 
ment of a Treasury Bank, on tlie ground that the de- 
posits of the national funds were not safe in the 
vaults of the United States Bank; and for the pur- 
pose of "strengthening the States" by giving theai 
the means of furnishing the local paper currency 
through their own banks." In 1831 Congress passed 
a bill for the recharter of the Bank of the United 
States, vyhich the President immediately vetoed ; at 
the same time intimating that if he had been invited 
to furnish trie plan of "such an institution as would 
be constitutional," he would willingly have done so. 
Mr. Clay condemned the positions contained in the 
vetoing message with great earnestness, and assailed 
them with much ability, in July, 1832. He also in- 
sisted that the President had mistaken his oath to 
support the Constitution of the United States, when 
11 



1 _!2 T II i: L I F E AND T I M E 8 

he claimed the right to put upon it whatever inter- 
pi'etatiou of its meaning he pleased. lie was hound 
to ohey it as lie found it, and as it was understood 
in the general comprehension of the nation. These 
positions of tlie President \\'ere preparatory to his 
suhsequent attacks on the Bank. In the autumn 
of l6oo he determined to stretch his power to the 
utmost, and effect a removal of the deposits from the 
J>ank, as tlie most effectual hlow which could possibly 
be struck at its prosperity. 

It was not without ditiiculty that the President 
obtained a |)ublic officer who was sufficiently pliable 
to his will, as to serve as his agent in accomplishing 
this im[u)rtant and decisive step. It seems to be an 
admitted doctrine of constitutional law, that the 
treasurv of the Ignited States was never intended to be 
placed under the authority of tlie Executive branch 
of the Federal Government; but, on the contrary, 
thiit it is of essential importance that they should 
always remain entirely distinct; and that the House 
of Kepresentatives, the Democratic branch of the 
government, should exercise complete control over 
the funds of the Confederacy. Hence, the "Trea- 
surer of the United States," and not the "Secretary 
of the Treasury," is the person to whom the pub- 
lic moneys are entrusted; and hence it is further 
enacted, that the Treasurer of the United States 
Bhall receive and keep the moneys of the United 
States, and disburse the same, upon warrants cb*awn 
by the Secretary of the Treasury, countersigned by 
the Controller, recorded by the liegister, and not 
otherwise. It is also provided that no money shall 



OF HENRY CLAY. 123 

be drawn from the treasury Init in consequence of 
•' n[»[)r'^priatic)MS made by law" — a function which 
lies within the jurisdiction of Congress alone. Hence 
it was contended by Mr. Clay, that tlic order of the 
President to withdraw the deposits from the Bank, 
wliere tliey had been placed by the action of Con- 
gress, was unconstitutional, and exceeded his autho- 
ritv. Nineteen million dollars was the amount tlieii 
deposited and subject to the drafts of the govern- 
ment, in the vaults of the Bank. Congress, as if to 
avert the purpose of the President by a significant 
hint, passed a resolution that the public funds were 
safe while in the Bank; but the President proceeded 
to the accomplishment of his determination. When 
he proposed the removal of the deposits, and their 
distribution anionic certain favorite State banks, to 
his Cabinet, they all expressed their coiiviction of 
the unconstitutionality of the measure. lie then 
read to them a paper, in which he declared that he 
w^islied his Cabinet to consider the proposed mea- 
sure as entirely his own ; in support of which he 
\\ould not require any of them to make a sacrifice of 
opinion or of principle, and that he himself assumed 
its entire res[)onsibility. 

In kSeptember, 1833, the President proceeded in the 
execution of his purpose, and directed Mr. McClain, 
the Secretary of the Treasury, to order the removal 
of the deposits. He declined, and was dismissed 
fi'om his office. William J. Duane, of Philadelphia, 
^^ as then chosen in his place ; but Mr. Duane also 
refused to become the agent in accomplisliing the 
President's purpose, and was also dismissed. Poger 



124 



THE I. r F E AND TIMES 



r>. Taiiov, of Marvlaiul, was tlien called to the vacant 
po8t. lie accepted it, and readil}' obeyed the injunc- 
tion of the Pix^ident to withdraw the public moneys 
from the bank. 

It may naturally be supposed that this summary 
method of proceeding excited the utmost hostility of 
the o}i})oncnts and enemies of tlie President. They 
regai'dcd his measures as arbitrary, tj^rannical, and 
daiiirerous to tlic liberties of the country. Bold and 
C(Milident statesmen, ann)ng whom Mr. Clay was 
foremost, considered the condition of the nation as 
perilous. On the 26th of December, 1833, he accord- 
iiiiiU' introduced resolutions in the Senate to the 
fullowiiiii' elfect : 

" Resolvi'd, That by dismissing the late Secretary 
of tlie Treasury, because he would not. contrary to 
bis sense of his own duty, remove tlie money of the 
United States in deposite with the Bank of the United 
States and its branches, in conformity with the Presi- 
dent's opinion, and b}' a})])ointing his successcn' to 
eticct such removal, which has been done, the Presi- 
dent has assumed the exercise of a power over the 
treasury of the United States not granted to him by 
the Constituti(jn and laws, and dangerous to the liber- 
ties of the people. 

'"' Resolved, Tliat the reasons assigned by the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury for the removal of the money 
of the United States, deposited in the Bank of the 
United States and its branches, communicated to 
Congress on the third of December, 1833, are unsatis- 
factory and insufficient." 

Mr. Taney had been called upon by a previous re- 



OF H E X R Y CLAY. 125 

P'^lntion of Congress to furnish tlie Ilonses with a 
rop3^ of the letter containing tlie reasons bj wliich 
his action as Secretary of the Treasury was defended. 
The reso]iiti<uis of Mr. Clav were discussed with c^reat 
zeal and ability, he himself taking a prominent part 
in the debate. During the course of his remarks on 
this occasion, he uttered the following attack upon the 
prominent actors in this event: 

'' The report of the Secretary of the Treasury, in 
the lirst paragraph, commences with a mis-statement 
of the fact. lie savs, ^ I liave directed' that the de- 
podi^s of the money of the United States shall not 
be raade in the Bank of the United Slates. If this 
as';^-^rtion is regarded in any other than a mere formal 
sense, it is not true. The Secretary- may have been 
the instrument, the clerk, the automaton, in wdiose 
name the order was issued ; but the measure was that 
of the President, by whose authority or command the 
order was o-iven ; and of this we have the hiirhest and 
most authentic evidence. The President has told the 
world that the measure was his own, and that he took 
it upon his own responsibilit3\ And he has exone- 
rated his Cabinet from all responsibility about it. 
The Secretary ouiz-ht to have franklv disclosed all the 
circumstances of the case, and told the truth, the 
whole truth, and nothing but the truth. If he had 
done so, he would have informed Congress that the 
removal had been decided by the President on the 
eighteenth of Se[>tember last; that it had been an- 
nounced to the public on the twentieth ; and that ^Ir. 
Duane remained in olhce until the t\^■ent^■-thir(I. He 
Would haxe informed Congress that this important 

11* 



126 



THE LIFE AND TIDIES 



mensnre was decided before Le entered into his new 
office, and was the cause of his a])pointnient. Yes, 
sir, the present secretary stood hy, a witness to tiie 
strniru'le in tlie mind of liis predecessor, between liis 
attachment to the President and his duty to the coun- 
try ; saw him dismissed from office, because'he would 
not violate his conscientious obli<rations, and came 
into liis place, to do what he could not, honorably, 
and would not perform. A son of one of the fathers 
of Democracy, bv an administration iirofessiufr to he 
Democratic, was expelled from office, and his place 
supplied by a gentleman, who, throughout his whole 
career, has been uniformly opposed to Democracy ! — 
a gentleman who, at another epoch of the re[)nblic, 
when it was threatened with civil war, and a dissolu- 
tion of the Union, voted (although a resident of a 
slave State), in the Le<):islature of Maryland. airJiinst 
the admission of Missouri into the Union without a 
restriction incompatible with her rights as a meniher 
of the confederacy! Mr. Duane was dismissed be- 
cause the Solemn convictions of his duty would not 
allow him to conform to the President's will — l)ecause 
his lou'ic did not brinir liis miiid to the same conclu- 
sioiis with those of the logic of a venerable old gen- 
tleman, inhabiting a white house not distant from the 
ca[)itol — hecause his watch [here Mr. Clay held up 
his own] did not keep time with that of the Presi- 
sitlent. He was dismissed under that detestable 
system of proscri[)tion for opinion's sake, which has 
liiiallv dared to inti"ude itself into the halls of Con- 
i-i-ess — a system under which three unoffeiidino: 
clerks, the husbands of wives, the fathers of families, 



OF HENRY CLAY. 127 

dependent on them for support, without the sliglitest 
imputation of delinquency, have been recently un- 
ceremoniously discharged, and driven out to be^-o-arv, 
by a man, himself the substitute of a meritorious 
officer, who has not been in this city a period ecpjal 
to one monthly revolution of the moon ! I tell our 
secretary [said Mr. Clay, raising his voice], that, if he 
touch a single hair of the head of any one of the 
clerks of the Senate (I am sure he is not disposed to 
do it), on account of his opinions, political or reli- 
gious, if no other member of the Senate does it. I 
will instantly submit a resolution for his own dis- 
mission. 

*'The secretary ought to have communicated all 
these things — he ought to have stated that the Cabi- 
net was divided two and two, and one of the mem- 
bers [Air. Cass, Secretary of War] equally divided 
with himself on the question, willing to be put into 
either scale. He ought to have given a full account 
of this, the most important act of executive authority 
since the origin of the government — he should have 
stated with what unsullied honor his predecessor re- 
tired from office, and on what deoTadino- conditions 
he accepted his vacant place. When a momentou 
proceeding like this, varying the constitutional di 
tril)ution of the powers of the legislative and execu- 
tive departments, was resolved on, the ministers 
against whose advice it was determitjed, should have 
resigned their stations. :No ministers of any monarch 
in Europe, under similar circumstances, would have 
retaine*] the seals of office. And if, as nobody douhts, 
there is a cabal behind the curtain, without character 



2J 

s- 



128 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

and withontreppoiisibility, foediiio- the pns^^ionp, stiinn- 
latiiig tlic |ir('jn<lires, and nionldins: tlie actions of the 
incnnibent of tlie PresidtMitial oitice, it was an addi- 
tional reason for tlioir rcsiiruations. Tlicre is not a 
maitre d'hotel in Cliristondoni, who. if tlie scullions 
were put into command into the parlor and dining- 
room, would not scorn to hold liis place, and fling it 
up in disgust with indignant pride!" 

After a ])rotracted discussion the substance of Mr. 
Clav's resolutions was passed in the Senate on the 
28th of Marcli, 1834. hv a vote of twenty to twenty- 
six. On the 23d of June Mr. Taney's nomination as 
Secretary of the Treasury was sent in. and rejected 
bv a vote of cicrhteen to twentv-eisfht. Subsequently 
he was rewarded for his zeal in the service of the 
President, by liis appointment tc the oflice of the 
Chief Justice of the United States. 

The popularity and power of the TTero of New Or- 
leans culminated i!i Fchi-uary, 1835, when a resolu- 
tion was introduced into the Senate by Mr. P)enton, 
of Missouri, to expunge from the minutes of that 
bodv tlie resolution of March, 1834, condemnincj the 
removal of the deposits. Tlie motion was defeated 
on this occasion; but it was subsequently renewed in 
January, 1837, and passed. On both of these occa- 
sions Mr. Clay opposed the measure with his usiud 
eloquence, but in vain. It was ordered that the 
manuscript journal of the minutes should be brought 
into the Senate; that the clerk should draw black 
lines around the resolution ; and that over it should 
be written in large letters the words: '' Expuncjed hy 
ordtr of tlie Senate, this IGth day of January, in the 



OF HENRY CLAY. 129 

year of our Lord piglitecn Jnnidvf'd avd flirfy-fipvt'.ny 
III o}>poRitioii to tlii^? rosolutioii Mr. Clay uttcM'ed the 
f()lln\vin<r earnest appeal : 

''Mr. I'resident, what patriotic ])iirpose is to be 
accomplished hy tliis expunging resolution? What 
new honor or fresh laurels will it win for our comnioa 
country? Is the power of the Senate so vast that it 
ought to be circumscribed, and that of the President 
so restricted that it ous^ht to be extended? What 
power has the Senate? Kone, separately. It can 
onlv act iointlv with the otlier House, or iointlv with 
the Executive. And alth«>uo:h the theory of tlie Con- 
stitution supposes, when consulted b}' him, it may 
freeh' give an affirmative or negative response, ac- 
c(U"dijig to the practice, as it now exists, it has lost 
the faculty of r»ronouncinor the nea-ariye monosvlla- 
hie. When the Senate expresses its deliberate jndg- 
fiient, in the form of resolution, that resolution has 
no com[>ulsory force, but a}»[)eals only to the dispas- 
sionate intelligence, the calm reason, and the sober 
ludunient of the community. The Senate has no 
army, no navy, no [)atronage, no lucrative offices nor 
o-lirteriuii- honors to bestow. Around us there is no 
swarm of </reedy expectants. renderin<2^ us liomacre, 
antici[)ating our wishes, and ready to execute our 
commands. 

"How is it with the President? Is he powerless? 
He is felt from one extremity to the other of this vast 
republic. By means of princi[)les which he lias in- 
troduced, and innovations u hich he has made in our 
institutions, alas I but too much countenanced by 
Congress and a conliduig people, lie exercises uucun- 

I 



130 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

trolled the power of the State. In one liand lie hold<3 
the purse, and iu the other brandishes the sword of 
the country. M3'riads of dependents and partisans, 
scattered over the land, are ever ready to sing hosan- 
iiahs to him, and to laud to the skies whatever he 
does. He has swept over the Governnnent, during 
the last eight years, like a tropical tornado. Every 
department exhibits traces of the ravages of the 
storm. Take, as one example, the Bank of the United 
States. ISTo institution could have been more popular 
with the people, with Congress, and with State Legis- 
latures. None ever better fulfilled the great purposes 
of its establishment. But it unfortunately incurred 
the displeasure of the President. He spoke, and the 
bank lies prostrate. And those who were loudest in 
its praise are now loudest in its condemnation. What 
object of his ambition is unsatisiied? When disabled 
from age any longer to hold the sceptre of power, he 
designates his successor, and transmits it to his favor- 
ite. What more does he want? Must we blot, de- 
face, and mutilate the records of the country to 
punish the preaumptuousness of expressing an opi- 
nion contrary to his own ? 

*' What patriotic purpose is to be accomplished by 
this expunging resolution? Can you niake that not 
to be which has been ? Can vou eradicate fnnu 
memory and fnuii history the fact, that in jNIarch, 
1834, a majority of the Senate of the United States 
iiassed the resolution which excites vour enmitv? Is 
it your vain and wicked object to arrogate to your- 
selves that power of annihilating the past which has 
been denied to Omnipotence itself? Do you intend 



OF HENRY CLAY. 131 

to thrnst. yonr Lands into our hearts, and to pluck out 
tlie deeply-rooted convictions which are there? oris 
it your design merely to stigmatize us? You cannot 
stigmatize us. 

" * Ne'er yet did base dishonor blur our name/ 

*' Standing securely upon our conscious rectitude, 
and bearins: aloft the shield of the Constitution of 
our country, your puny efforts are impotent, and we 
defy all your power. Put the majorit}^ of 1834 in one 
scale, and that by which this expunging resolution is 
to be carried, in the other, and let truth and justice, 
in heaven above and on the earth below, and liberty 
and patriotism, decide the preponderance. 

"" What patriotic purpose is to be accomplished by 
this expunging? Is it to appease the wrath, and to 
heal the wounded pride, of the Chief Magistrate? If 
he be really the hero that his friends represent him, 
he must des[)ise all mean condescension, all grovel- 
ling sycophancy, all self-degradation and self-abase- 
ment, lie would reject with scorn and contempt, as 
unworthy of his fame, your black scratches, and your 
baby lines in the fair records of his country. Black 
lines! Biack lines! Sir, I hope the secretary of the 
Senate will preserve the pen with which he may in- 
scribe them, and present it to that senator of the 
majorit}^ wdiom he may select, as a proud trophy to 
be transmitted to his descendants. And hereafter, 
when we shall lose the forms of our free institutions, 
all that now remain to us, some future American 
monarch in gratitude to those by wh(;se means he 



132 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

has been enabled, upon the ruins of civil liliorty, to 
erect a throne, and to commemorate especially this 
expunging resolution, may institute a new order of 
knighthood, and confer on it the appropriate name 

of THE KNIGHT OF THE BLACK LINES. 

"But why should I detain the Senate, or needlessly 
waste my breath in fruitless exertions? Tlie decree 
has s:one forth. It is one of nrccencv, too. The deed 
is to be done — that foul deed, like the blood-staitied 
hands of the c^uiltv Macbeth, all ocean's waters will 
never wash out. Proceed, then, to the noble work 
which lies before vou, and like other skilful execu- 
tic>ners, do it quickly. And when you have per|)e- 
trated it. go home to the people, and tell them what 
glorious honors you have achieved for our common 
country. Tell them that you have extino^uished one 
of the brightest and purest lights that ever burned at 
the altar of civil lihertv. Tell them that you have 
silenced one of the noblest battei'ies tliat ever thun- 
dered in defence of the Constitution, and hravelv 
spiked the cannon. Tell them that, henceforwai'd, 
no matter what darins: or outrao-eous act any Presi- 
dent may perform, y<m have forever hermetically 
sealed the mouth of the Senate. Tell them that he 
may fearlessly assume wliat power he pleases, snatch 
from its lawful custody the [)uhlic purse, c<inmand a 
military detachment to enter the halls of the cajiitol, 
overawe Congress, tranijtle down the Constitution, 
and raze everv bulwark of freedom; but that the 
Senate must stand mute, in silent suhmission, and 
not dare to raise its opposing voice; that it must wait 



OF HENRY CLAY. 133 

until a House of Representatives, humbled and sub- 
dued like itself, and a majority of it composed of the 
partisans of the President, shall prefer articles of im- 
peachment. Tell them, finally, that you have restored 
the glorious doctrine 6f passive obedience and non- 
resistance; and, if the people do not pour out their 
indignation and imprecations, I have yet to learn the 
character of American freemen." 



12 



134 THE LIFE AND TIMER 



CHAPTER X. 

MR. clay's OPPOSITION" TO PRESIDENT JACKSON HIS VISIT TO KEN- 
TUCKY AMERICAN CLAIMS ON FRANCE THEIR ADJUSTMENT — 

MR. clay's REPORT ON THE SUBJECT ELECTION OF MR. VAN BUREN 

TO THE PRESIDENCY — THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM MR. CLAY'S 

OPPOSITION TO IT HIS SPEECHES ON THE SUBJECT — DEFEAT OF THE 

BILL PROPOSING IT ITS SUBSEQUENT REYIVAL CONTINUED OPPO- 
SITION TO IT BY MR. CLAY. 

Mr. Clay took aprominent part in all thecliscnssions 
wliich were held in the session of Congress of 1833-34, 
and proved himself to be the most energetic and for- 
midable antasronist who ever assailed the adTtnuistra- 
tion and the authority of General Jackson, lio resisted 
and embarrassed liis policy at every step; for in re- 
gard to all his leading measures, ]\Ir. Clay sincerely 
thought that they were prejudicial to the welfare of 
the country. The removal of the deposits had pro- 
duced great confusion and distress in the financial 
affairs of the community ; and an immense number 
of memorials were sent to Congress on the subject, 
demanding acbange in the policy of the Government. 
Mr. Cla}' was selected by the petitioners to present a 
large proportion of these appeals; and in performing 
this welcome duty, he accompanied the memoi'ials 
with several speeches of immense power and ability. 
This remark applies particularly to those memorable 



OF HKNRY CLAT. 135 

aroTuments which he delivered on the 26th of Febru- 
iirv, 183-i, when offering a memorial from Kentucky; 
and to that of the 15th of the ensuing April, when 
presenting another from Troy, Kew York. 

After the termination of the lirst session of the 
twenty-third Congress, on the 30th of June, Mr. Clay 
commenced his journey to Kentucky, anxious to re- 
visit his home and family after his long and arduous 
labors. During this journey he made a very narrow 
escape from death, or at least from serious injury, 
when journeying in the public stage-coach from 
Charlestown to Winchester, in Virginia. The coach 
was overturned while descending a steep hill, and one 
of the passengers was instantly killed. Mr. Clay re- 
ceived some bruises, though not of a very severe na- 
ture. At the opening of the following session of 
Congress he was at his post again with his usual 
promptitude and zeal in the public service. A subject 
was soon presented for discussion which elicited his 
efforts in opposition to the warlike tendencies of Pre- 
sident Jackson. Between the years 1800 and 1817, 
the cruisers of France had made repeated aggressions 
on American commerce. In July, 1831, a treaty had 
been made between the two countries, by which the 
French Government agreed to indemnify the Ameri- 
can claimants for their losses by the payment of 
twenty-live million francs. The payment of the first 
instalment of this sum fell due twelve months after 
the date of the treaty ; but that period had elapsed, 
and the draft of the American Government on the 
French Minister of Finance for the amount, had been 
dishonored. General Jackson recommended that a 



13(3 TIIK LIFE AND TIMES 



law 1)0 ininiediately passed, allowing reprisals to be 
made by Aiiierican citizens on Frencli pro[»erty. 

This matter, so ])regnant with important and [)eril- 
oiis results, was referred to the Committee on Foreign 
Relations, of which Mr. Clay was chairman. On the 
6th of January, 1835, he read his report on the sub- 
ject in the Senate, occupying an hour and a half in 
the delivery of it. It was an able and profound d«»cu- 
ment, clearly demonstrating tlie impolicy and injus- 
tice of the measure recommended by the President, 
and advising an opposite course. While maintaining 
the national honor by a high and chivalrous tone — 
while contending for the justice and equity of the 
American claims — he demonstrated that it was just 
to allow further lime and opportunity to the French 
Government to execute the terms of the existing 
treatv. His efibrts on this occasion prevailed ; and a 
resolution was finally adopted to the effect, that ''it 
was inexpedient at that time to adopt any legislative 
measures in regard to the state of affairs between the 
United States and France." This result, which was 
chiefly due to the influence and exertions of Mr. 
Clay, may with truth be said to have averteil from the 
country the evils and calamities involved in a war 
with France. The important and delicate interests 
involved in this subject were finally and satisfactorily 
adjusted in 1836. In that year Air. Clay was again 
appointed Chairman of the Committee on. Foreign 
Ivclations, and he introduced a resolution in the Se- 
nate calling ui)on the President to furnish Congress 
with further information in regard to the state of 
affairs as theythen existed between the two govern- 



O F II R N R Y C L A Y . . 137 

ments. The resolution was adopted; and acc.'ordingly, 
in Februarv, 1836, the Pre>ident sent in a me^sai^-e 
coninuuiicutin^ tlie fact that tlie Britisli Government 
had tendered its mediation for the purpose of aett!ing 
the differences between the United States and France. 
This messasre was submitted to a committee, who after- 
ward reported ihat the })roffei'ed mediation had been 
accei>ted. and tliiit the matters in litiiratioii l)et\veen 

the two <j:overnments had been sati.sfactorilv sett ed. 

>- • 

Conirress adi'vii-ned on tlie 4th of Julv, 1836, after 
which Mr. Chiy returned to Kentucky. He was received 
by his neighbors and constituents with great entluy- 
siasm, and with every i)ossible disphxy of admiration 
and apphiuse. The voice of calumny and of enniity 
was now dumb. The peerless statesman had reo-ained 
the po}.)ularity of wliieh he had been temporarily de- 
prived by the efforts of his enemies and assaihints. 
It was at this i)eriod that he first announced his de- 
termination soon to retire from the toils and respon- 
sibilities of public life. But in the fallowing winter 
he was again elected by the Legislature of Kentucky 
to represent that Commonweahli in the United States 
Senate. The vote stood seventy-six for Mr. Ohiv, 
lifty-four for AJr. Gutiirie, the candictate of the Ad- 
ministration. Air. Clay ance more accepted the high 
trust, and was present in the Senate at the opening 
of the ensu w^f session. 

The result of the rresidenti'-^.l campaign of 1836 
was the election of Martin Van Buren, who \\ as 
chosen as the re[)resentative of the policy of General 
Jackson. Oii the 15th of May, 1837, he issued hia 
proclamation, summoning an extraordinary session 
12* 



1^J8 T H K L I r K A N D T I M ES 

of Congress to convene on tlie first Monday of Sep- 
tember. When that ])0t1y assembled at the appointed 
time, Mr. Van Bnren transmitted a message to both 
Houses, in which he recommended the Sub-treasury 
system for the deposit and disbursement of the pub- 
lic funds. This topic at once became the all-absorb- 
in ic theme of discussion in Con2:ress. The measures 
which he commended involved the followins: arransre- 
ments: the revenues of the United States, the trea- 
sures deposited in the Mint and its branches, the col- 
lectors, receivers, and all other office-holders were 
ordered to receive in specie ; and they were to keep 
subject to the drafts of the government, all public 
moneys coming into their possession, instead of de- 
positing them, as formerly, in banks. The bill em- 
bodying these provisions was presented in the Senate 
on the 20th of September. On the 25th ensuing, 
Mr. Clay addressed that body in (Opposition to it. In 
the course of this argument he spoke as follows : 

"]^o period has ever existed in this country, in 
which the future was covered by a darker, denser, or 
more impenetrable gloom. None, in which the duty 
was more imperative to discard all passion and preju- 
dice, all [>arty ties and previous bias, and look exchi- 
sively to the g(H^d of our affiicted country. In one 
respect, and I think it a fortunate one, our present 
difficulties are distin2:uishable from former domestic 
trouble, and that is their universality. They are felt, 
it is true, in ditierent degrees, but they reach every 
section, Qvavy State, every interest, almost every man 
in tlie Union. All feel, see, hear, know their exist- 
ence. As they do not array, like our former divisions, 



OF HENRY CLAY. 13& 

one portion of the Confederacy against another, it is 
to be hoped that common suflerings may lead to com- 
mon sym[»atliies and common ci)unsels, and that we 
shall, at no distant day, be able to see a clear way of 
deliverance. If the present state of the country were 
produced by the fault of the people; if it proceeded 
from their wasteful extravairance, and their induli^:- 
ence of a reckless spirit of ruinous speculation ; if 
pul)lic measures had no agency whatever in bringing 
it about, it would, nevertheless, be the duty of Gov- 
ernment to exert all its energies, and to employ all 
its legitimate powers, to devise an efficacious remed}'. 
But if our present deplorable condition has sprung 
from our rulers; if it is to be clearly traced to their 
acts and operations, that duty becomes infinitely 
more obligatory; and Government would be faith- 
less to the highest and most solemn of human trusts 
should it neglect to pertbrm it. And is it not too 
true, that the evils which surround us are to be 
ascribed to those who have had the conduct of our 
public affidrs? 

''In glancing at the past, nothing can be further 
from my intenti.>n tlian to excite angry feelings, or 
to tiiid grounds of reproach. It would be far more 
congenial to my wishes that, on this occasion, we 
should forget all former unhappy divisions and ani- 
mosities. But in order to discover how to get out of 
our difficulties, we must ascertain, if we can, how we 
got into them. 

'' Prior to that series of unfortunate measures which 
had for its object the overthrow of the Bank of the 
United. {States, and the discontinuance of its fiscal 



140 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



i\ii:Qucy for tlie Government, no people npon earth 
t'vvv enioved a bettei' ciirrencv, or had excliai^fres 
better regulated, than the people of tlie United States. 
Our monetary system appeared to have attained as 
t!;reat [»erteetion as anything human can possibly 
reaeh. The combination of United States and local 
baidvs presented a true image of (jur system of Gene- 
ral and Stare Governments, and worked quite as 
well. Not only within the country had we a local 
and i2:eneral currencv ))erfectlv sound, but in what- 
ever quarter of the globe American commerce had 
penetrat»'d, there also did the bills of the United 
States Bank command unbounded credit and confi- 
dence. Now we are in danger of having tixed upon 
ns, iiidetiiiitely as to time, that medium, an irredeem- 
iibie paper currency, wliieh, by the universal consent 
of the eommereial world, is regarded as the worst. 
How lias this reverse come upon us? Can it be 
doubted that it is the result of those measures to 
which I have adverted? When, at the verv moment 
of ado})ting them, the very consequences which have 
happened were foretold as inevitable, is it necessary 
to look elsewhere for their cause? Never was pre- 
dicjtion more distinctly made; never was fullilnient 
more literal and exact. 

''Let us su[)pose that those measures had not been 
adopted ; that the JJank of the United States had 
been rechartered ; that the [»ublic deposits had re- 
mained undisturbed; and that the treasur}' order had 
ne\er issued ; is there not every I'cason to believe that 
we sliould he now in the eniovment of a sound cur- 
roicy ; that the public deposits would be now safe 



OF HENRY CLAY. 141 

and forthcominp^, and that the suspension of specie 
payments in May last would not have happened ? 

''The President's message asserts that the suspen- 
sion has proceeded from over-action, over-tradino-, the 
indulgetice of a spirit of speculation, produced by 
bank and other facilities. I tliink this is a view of 
the case entirely too superficial. It would be quite 
as correct and just, in the instance of a homicide per- 
petrated by the discharge of a gun, to allege that the 
leaden ball, and not the man Avho levelled tlie piece, 
was responsible for the murder. Tlie true inquiry is, 
how came that excessive over-trading, and those ex- 
tensive bank facilities, which the message describes? 
Were they not the necessary and immediate conse- 
quences of the overthrow of the bank, and the re- 
moval from its custody of the |)ublic deposits? And 
is not this proved l>y the vast multi{.lication of banks, 
the increase of the line of their discounts and accom- 
modations, prompted and stimulated by Secretary 
Taney, and the great augmentation of their circula- 
tion which ensued ?" 

The Sub-treasury bill, after undergoing some 
clianges, was passed in the Senate on the 4th of Oc- 
tober, but afterward defeated in the House on the 
lOth. Copgress adjouiMied on the 1 th of the month, 
and the administration was thus successfullv resisted, 
chieiiy through the agency of Mr. Clay, in tiie accom- 
plishment of the main purpose for whicL the extra 
session had been summoned. 

During tlie second term of the Twenty-fifth Con- 
gress, the subject of the Sub-treasurv was auain in- 
truduced into tlie discussions of that body. Mr. Clay 



142 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

displavecl his nsual zeal and al)ilitv as^ainpt the mea. 
sure. On the 19tli of Fel'i'iiary, 1838, he delivered a 
lengtliy argument against the project, in \vhich the 
following passage occurs as the exordium: 

'•I have seen some puhlic service, passed through 
many trouhled times, and often addressed ])iihlic as- 
scnii)Iies, in this capitol and elsewhere; but never 
before have I risen in a deliberative bodv, under more 
oppi'cssed feelings, or with a deeper sense of a\\ful re- 
eyionsibility. Never before have I risen to express my 
o})inions upon any public measure, fraught with such 
tremendous consequences to the welfare and pros- 
perity of the countr}'. and so yierilous to the liberties 
of the people, as I solemnl}- believe the bill under 
consideration will be. If 3-ou knew, sir, what sleep- 
less hours rejection u[)On it has cost me; if you knew 
with what fervor and sincerity I have implored Divine 
assistance to strengthen and sustain me in nn' o|)po- 
sition to it, I should have credit with you, at least, for 
the sincerity of my convictions, if I shall be so un- 
fortunate as not to liave ^-our concurrence as to the 
danu'crous character of the measure. And I have 
thanked my God that He has prolonged my life until 
the present time, to enable me to exert myself in the 
service of my country, against a pi'oject far transcend- 
ing in pei'nicious tendency any that I have ever had 
occasion to consider. I thank Ilim for the health I 
am permitted to enjc^y ; I thank Ilim fortiie soft and 
sweet re[)()se wliich I experienced last night; I thank 
Ilim ibr the bi-ight and glorious sun which shines 
upon us this day. 

*' It is not my purpose at this time, Mr. President, 



OF HENRY CLAY. 143 

to go at ]iiY^e into a consideration of the causes which 
Lave led to tlie present most disastrous state of public 
affairs. That dut}^ was performed by others, and 
myself, at the extra session of Congress. It was then 
clearly shown that it sprung from the ill-advised and 
unfortunate measures of executive administration. I 
Avill now content myself with saying that, on the 
fourth day of March, 1829, Andrew Jackson, not by 
the blessing of God, was made President of these 
United States; that the country was then eminently 
pros[;»erous ; that its currency was as sound and safe 
as any that a people were ever blessed with ; that, 
thn)Ughout the wide extent of this whole Union, it 
possessed a uniform value; and that exchanges were 
conducted with such regularity and perfection, that 
funds could be transmitted from one extremity of the 
Union to the otlier, with the least possible risk or loss. 
In this encouraging condition of the business of the 
country, it remained for several years, until after the 
war wantonly waged against the late Bank of the 
United States was completely successful, by the over- 
throw of that invaluable institution. What our pre- 
sent situation is, is as needless to describe as it is 
pai f.d to contemplate. First felt in our great com- 
mercial marts, distress and embarrassment have pene- 
trated into the interior, and now pervade almost the 
entire Union. It has been justlv remarked bv one 
of the soundest and most practical writers that I have 
Lad Occasion to consult, that 'all convulsions in the 
circulation and commerce of every country must ori- 
ginate in the operations of the Government, or in the 
mistaken views and erroneous measures of those pos- 



14i 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



sessing the power of inflnenciiiL'' credit niul ciivnlar 
tioi! ; for tlic'\- arc not olllC'^^^■ise susceptil)le of eoii- 
vulsion; and ii' luft to themselves, tliey will find tlicir 
own U'vel, and tlow nearly in one nnitMiMn streani.' 

"Yes, Mr. President, we till have but too melan- 
choly a consfiousness of the unlia})}>y condition of 
our countrv. We all too well know that our nohle 
and i^alhint ship lies lielpless and immovable n|)on 
breakers, dismasted, the surire heating over her vene- 
rable sides, and the crew tlireatened with instanta- 
neous destruction. IIow came she there? AVho wjis 
the pilot at tlie llelm^\hon she was stranded? ^flie 
party in power! The pilot was aided by all the 
Science and skill, hv all the charts and instruments, 
of such distiuiruished naviii^ators as Wasliinu-ton, the 
Adamses, Jeflerson, Madison, and Monroe; an«l yet 
lie did not. or could not, save the public vessel. 81ie 
was placed in her present misei'able condition by his 
bunii'liuii: naviiration, ox bv bis want of skib and iudi:- 
ment. It is im|'»ossible for him to esca}ie from one or 
the other horn of that dilemnui. I leave him at 
libertv to choose between them." 

ft/ 

The plan of this speech is laid out as follows: 
"I shall emleavor, Mr. President, in the course of 
the address I am about making, 10 establish certain 
propositions which I believe to be incontestable; and 
for tlie sake of jierspieuit}-, I will state them severally 
to the Senate. I shall contend: 

'•First, that it was the deliberate purjiose and tixed 
desio-n of the late admini-ti'ation to establish a Govern- 
ment bank — a ti'easury bank — to be [idministei'cd and 
conuolled by the executive departuient. 



r II E N K Y CLAY. 145 

** Secondly, tliat, with that view, and to that end, 
it was its aim and intention to overthrow the whole 
banking system, as existing in the United States when 
that administration came into power, beginning with 
the Bank of the United States and ending with the 
State banks. 

"Thirdly, that the attack was first confined, from 
considerations of policy, to the Bank of the United 
States ; but that, after its overthrow was accomplished, 
it was then directed, and has since been continued, 
against the State banks. 

"Fourthly, that the present administration, by its 
acknowledgments, emanating from the highest and 
most authentic source, has succeeded to the prin- 
ciples, plans, and policy of the preceding administra- 
tion, and stands solemnly pledged to complete and 
perfect them. 

"And, fifthly, that the bill under consideration is 
intended to execute the pledge, by establishing, upon 
the ruins of the late Bank of the United States and 
the State banks, a Government bank, to be managed 
and controlled by the Treasury Department, acting 
under the commands of the President of the United 
States. 

"I believe, solemnly believe, the truth of every one 
of these five propositions. In the support of them, I 
shall not rely upon any gratuitous surmises or vague 
conjectures, but upon proofs, clear, positive, unde- 
niable, and demonstrative. To establish the first 
four, I shall adduce evidence of the highest possible 
authenticity, of facts admitted or undeniable, and fair 
reasoning founded on them. And as to the last, the 
13 K 



14G THE LIFE AND TIMES 

measure under considcriition, I tliiiik the testimonr, 
intrinsic and extrinsic, on wliicb I depend, stumps, 
beyond all doubt, its true cliaracter as a Government 
bank, and ouij-lit to cai'rv to the mind of the Senate 
the conviction which I entertain, and in wldch I feel 
perfectly confident the wliole country will share." 

!Mr. Clay demonstrated the truth of each of these 
propositions at considerable length, and with remark- 
able conclusiveness and force of reasoning. His 
views on the subject of the relation of specie to paper 
currency: 

"All experience [said Mr. Clay] has demonstrated 
that in banking operations, a mnch lurger amount of 
paper can be kept out in circulation than the specie 
which it is necessary to retain in the vaults to meet it 
Avhen presented for payment. The proportions which 
the same experience has ascertained to be entirely 
safe, are one of specie to three of paper. If tliere- 
fore, the Executive Government had sixty millions of 
dollars accumulated at the port of Kew York, in the 
hands of tlie receiver-general, represented by sixty 
millions of Government drafts in circulation, it would 
be known that twentv of that sixty millions would be 
BufKcient to retain to meet any amount of drafts 
wliich, in ordinary times, would be presented for 
payment. There would then remain forty millions 
in the vaults, idle and unproductive, and of wliich no 
practical use could be made. Well ; a great election 
is at luuid in tlie State of New York, the result of 
%yhicli will seal the fate of an existini:i: Administration. 
If the a[)plication of ten millions of that dormant 
capital could save, at some future day, a corrupt Ex- 



OF HENRY CLAI. 147 

ecutive from overthrow, can it be doubted that the 
ten millions wouUl be applied to preserve it in power? 
Again, let us suppose some great exigency to arise: 
a season of war, creating severe financial pressure 
and embarrassnient. Would not an issue of paper, 
founded upon and exceeditig tbe specie in the vaults, 
in some such proportions as experience had demon- 
strated miffht be safely emitted, be authorized? Fi- 
nail y, tbe whole amount of specie might be exhausted,, 
and th( n, as it is easier to engrave and issue bank- 
notes than to perform tlie unpopular office of imposing 
taxes and burdens, the discovery would be made that 
the credit of tlie Government was a sufficient basis 
whereupon to make emissions of paper money, to be 
redeemed when peace and prosperity returned. Then 
we should have the days of continental money, and 
of assignats, restored ! 

"Tlie system would control you. You could not 
control the system. Assuming the dow^ifall of the 
local banks — the inevitable consequence of the ope- 
rations of this great Government bank; assuming, as 
I have shown would be the case, that the Government 
would monopolize the paper issues of the country', 
and obtain the possession of a great portion of the 
specie of the ctmntry, we should then behold a com- 
bined and concentrated moneyed power equal to that 
of all the existing baidvs of the United States, with 
that of the late Baidv of the United States superadded. 
This tremendous power would be wielded by the 
Secretary of the Treasury, acting under the immediate 
commands of the President of the United States. 
Here would be a perfect union of the sword and the 



148 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

purse; here would be no imaginary, but an actual, 
visible, tangible consolidation of the moneyed power. 
AVho or what could withstand it ? The States them- 
selves would become suppliants at the feet of the 
Executive for a portion of those paper emissions, of 
the power to issue which they had been stripped, and 
which he now exclusively possessed. 

''How admirably did the whole system, during the 
forty years of its existence [Bank of the United 
States], move and work! And on the two unfortu- 
nate occasions of its ceasing to exist, how quickly did 
the business and transactions of the country run into 
wild disorder and utter confusion ! 

" I have been curious, Mr. President, to know 
whence this idea of receivers-general was derived. It 
has been supposed to have been borrowed from 
France. It required all the power of that most extra- 
ordinary man that ever lived, jSTapoleon Bonaparte, 
when he was in his meridian greatness, to displace 
the farmers-general, and to substitute in their place 
the receivers-general. The new system requires, I 
think I have heard it stated, something like one hun- 
dred thousand employees to have it executed. And, 
notwithstanding the modesty of the infant promises 
of this new project, I have no doul)t that ultimately 
we shall have to employ a number of persons approx- 
imating to that which is retained in France. That 
will undoubtedly be the case whenever we shall revive 
the system of internal taxation. In France, what 
reconciled them to the system was, that Kapoleon 
first, and the Bourbons afterward, were pleased with 
the immense patronage which it gave them. They 



OP HENRY CLAY. 149 

liked to have one hnndred thousand dependents to 
add strength to the throne, which had been recently 
constructed or reascended. I tliought, however, that 
the learned Chairman of the Committee of Finance 
must have had some other besides the Frencli model 
for his receivers-general; and, accordingly, looking 
into Smith's history of his own State, I found that, 
when it was yet a colony, some century and a half 
ago, and when its present noble capital still retained 
the name of New Amsterdam, the historian says: 
* Among the principal laws enacted at this session, we 
may mention that for establishing the revenue, which 
was drawn into precedent. The sums raised by it 
were made payable into the hands of receivers-gene- 
ral, and issued by the 2:overnor's warrant. Bv this 
m^ans the governor became, for a season, independent 
of the people, and hence we find frequent instances 
of the assemblies contending with him for the dis- 
charge of debts to private persons, contracted on the 
faith of the government.' The then governor of the 
colony was a man of great violence of temper, and 
arbitrary in his conduct. How the Sub-treasury sys- 
tem of that day operated, the same historian informs 
us in a subsequent part of his work: 'The revenue,' 
he says, ' established the last year, was at this session 
continued five years longer than was originally in- 
tended. This was rendering the governor independ- 
ent of the people. For, at that day, the assembly 
had no treasure, but the amount of all taxes went, of 
course, into the hands of the receiver-general, who 
was appointed by the crown. Out of this fund, mo- 
neys were only issuable by the governor's warrant, so 
13* 



150 THELIFEANDTIMES '^ 

that every officer in the government, from ]\rr. Blaitli- 
wait, who drew annually five per centum out of the 
revenue, as auditor-general, down to the meanest ser 
vant of the puhlic, hecame dependent solely on the 
governor. And hence we find the House, at the close 
of every session, humhly addressing his excellency j 

for tlie tritiing wages of their own clerk.' And, Mr. 
President, if this measure sliould un[iap[)ily pass, the 
day may come when the Senate of the United States 
^'ill have humbly to implore some future President 
of the United States to grant it money to pay tlie 
wages of its own sergeant-at-arms, and doorkeeper." 



OF HENRY CLAY. 151 



CHAPTER XI. 

THE CAMPAIGN OF 1840 — NOMINATION OP GEN. HARRISON TO THE PRE- 
SIDENCY — HIS ELECTION — HIS DEATH — ACCESSION OF MR. TYLER 

MR. clay's bill on THE U. S. BANK ITS VETO BY PRES. TYLER 

MR. clay's speech ON THE VETO — MR. CLAV's VISIT TO HIS BIRTH- 
PLACE — INCIDENTS OF THAT OCCASION — MR. CLAY RESIGNS HIS SEAT 
IN THE SENATE — HIS LETTER TO THE LEGISLATURE OF KENTUCKY — • 
HIS ADDRESS TO THE SENATE ON HIS RESIGNATION — IMPRESSION 
PRODUCED BY IT. 

As the political campaip^n of 1840 approached, the 
position and prospects of Mr. Claj^ were res^arded with 
intense interest by the American people. None could 
deny that, \u point of talents and experience in con- 
ducting the affairs of Government, he had no equal, 
much less a su]»erior, among the rival statesmen and 
heroes of the time. The only objection ai^ainst him 
which seemed to possess any weight, was the fact that 
he had twice before been nominated for the Presidency, 
and had twice been defeated; and it was thou2:ht that 
some vovus homo, unsullied b}' the dust and sweat of 
an adverse conflict, would be more available in con- 
ducting the party to victory. How much force or 
reason tliere might be in such a consideration, we 
el. all not undertake to fletermine ; l)ut it unquestion- 
ably had an important influence with the members 
of the Democratic Whig Convention, which met in 
Hurrisburg on the 4th of December, 1839. 



152 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



When that body assembled, a plnralit}- of tlie dole- 
gates were personally in favor of Mr. Clay as their 
nominee for the Presidency. Bat after a full compa- 
rison of views, it was ascertained that his strength 
was not sufficient to secure the requisite number of 
votes; and Gen. W. H. Harrison, the hero of Tippe- 
canoe, was finally chosen. "When the decision of the 
Convention became known, it excited much disap- 
pointment among many of the friends of Mr. Clav 
throughout the nation; but he himself, with his usual 
tact and spirit of conciliation, declared his full acqui- 
escence in the will of those who had been chosen to 
represent the party. Said he: "Far from feeling any 
discontent, the nomination will have my best wishes, 
and receive my cordial support." Ilis promise was 
fulfilled, and he exerted himself during the campaign 
which followed, and which was one of the most ani- 
mated which has occurred in the national history, to 
insure the victory of the Whigs. General Harrison 
was elected President, John Tvler, of Virsrinia, Vice- 
President; and they entered upon the performance 
of their official duties on March 4th, 1841. 

During the preceding summer ^Ir. Clay visited the 
scene of his birth and boyhood, in Hanover County, 
Virginia. Forty-five years had elapsed since he saw 
the spot with which his earliest recollections were 
associated. Then he had quitted it, a poor, depend- 
ent, obscure youth. JnTow he returned to it, an illus- 
trious statesman, whose fame extended over two 
hemispheres. Then his future fate Avas uncertain ; 
misfortune had already befallen him ; and he left be- 
hind him the grave of his father. Xow he could 



OF HENRY CLAY. 153 

rerur to a loiior series of years, dnrino' which lie had 
held the most brilliant |)Ositi()ns, had wielded import- 
ant power in guiding the destiny of a great nation, 
and had acldeved a series of intellectual ex[»loit3 
which attracted tlie warmest admiration of millions. 
We may imagine, but cannotdescribe, the intense emo- 
tions which tilled his breast while he surveyed the 
M ell-remembered spot; while he visited the graves 
of his father and grandfatlier, into which, during his 
boyhood, he had seen some of Tarleton's soldiers 
running their swords, under the susp.icion that nu)ney 
was hidden tlierein. He found everything changed 
except the house in which he was born. Orchards 
and forests which were vio-orons and flourishins: wdiea 
last he saw them, had wholly disappeared. A favor- 
ite hickory tree, of whose fruit he had so often eaten, 
and whose topmost branches he had so often scaled, 
in the adventurous spirit of boyhood, had long since 
passed away. All reminded him of the transitory 
nature of human tliinsfs. At Tavh)rsville his friends 
entertained him at a public dinner, and he there ad- 
dressed ; he vast multitude who thronged to see and hear 
the distinguished visitor. He departed from those 
scenes, which were hallowed by such associations as no 
other spot except the place of a great man's birth pos- 
sesses, highly gratitied witli his reception, and witli the 
sensations excited bv the scenes presented to his view. 
During the session of Congress which preceded the 
installation of General Harrison, Mr. Clay was present 
in ihe Senate, and took part in the debates which 
occurred in reference to the land bill, the repeal of 
the Sub-treasury, the Treasury note bill, the suL>ject of 



154 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



bankruptcy, and otlier important measnres. Imme- 
diately after tlie adjournment of Congress on the 3d 
of March, 1841, and the inauguration of the ne^ 
President, tlie latter issued a proclamation summori- 
ing an extra session to convene on tlie last Monday 
of May. Before the arrival of that period, and after 
he liad endured the disunities and toils of office for a 
month, the President expired on the 4th of April ; 
and John Tvler of Yirii'inia, accordinof to the provi- 
8ions of the Constitution, assumed the office thus va- 
eate(L Con<i're>s convened in accordance with the 
summons of the late President, and entered upon the 
discussion of several important measures of piillic 
policy. The most prominent of these was the incor- 
poration of a national hank adapted to the wants of 
the |)eople and of the Government. 

Mr. Clay had been appointed Chairman of the Com- 
mittee of i*'inance; and he proceeded to draw up a 
report on the suhject which tlius came within the 
leiiitimate ran^'e of his duties. In the heii'lnnino; of 
June he presented his report containing a plan for a 
national hank, which he thought unohjectionahle. 
As this subject is one of great and jtermanent interest 
to every American citizen, and as the deliberate and 
mature views of such a man in reference to it possess 
the utmost value, it will be well to intioduce here 
that plan of a national batdv which Mr. Clav rej^-arded 
as most perfect, and as adapted to produce the most 
beneficial results upon the financial affairs and inte- 
rests of the nation. It was as follows: 

I. The capital not to be extravagantly large, but, 
at the same time, amply sufficient to enable it to per- 



OF HENRY CLAY. 155 

form the needful fiiiaiicial duties for the Government; 
to supply a genend currency of unitbrtn value throuiih- 
out the Union ; and to facilitate, as nigh as prnctica- 
bie, the equalization of domestic exclnuige. lie sup- 
posed that about fifty millions would answer all those 
purposes. The stock might be divided between the 
General Government, the States, according to their 
Federal population, and individual subscril)ers — the 
poi'tion assigjied to the latter to be distributed at auc- 
tion, or by [irivate subscription. 

II. The corporation to receive such an organization 
as to blend, in fair pro[)ortions, public and pi'ivate 
control, and cojnbining public and private interests; 
and, in order to exclude tlie po.ssibility of the exer- 
cise of anv foreisin influence, non-resident foreii^ners 
to be prohibited not only fi'om any share in the ad- 
ministration of the corporation, but from holding, 
directly or indirectly, any portion of its stock. The 
bank would thus be in its origin, and continue 
throuii'hout its whole existence, a tryuuine Anicricaa 
institution. 

III. An adequate portion of the capital to be set 
apart in productive stocks, and placed in permanent 
security, beyond the reach of the cor{)orarioii (with 
the exception of the accruing profits on those stocks) 
sufficient to pay promptly, in any contingency, the 
amount of all such paper, under whatever form, that 
the bank shall put forth as a part of the general cir- 
culation. The bill or note-holders, in other words, the 
mass of the community, ouL?ht to be pfotected au'ainst 
the possii)ility of the failure or the suspension of the 
bank. The sup|)ly of the circulating medium of a 



156 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

conntr}' is that faculty of a bank, the propriety of tLe 
exei'civse of wliicli mav be most controverted. Tlie 
doalings with a bank of those who obtain discounts 
or nuike deposits, are voluntary and mutually ad- 
vautai^eoiis ; and they are comparatively few in num- 
ber. But the reception of what is issued and used as 
a part of the circulating medium of the country, is 
scarcely a vohmtary act; and thf)usands take it who 
have no other concern whatever with the bank. The 
r)iariy ouirht to be guarded and secured by the care 
of the h'gislative authority; the vigilance of the few 
will secure themselves a^-ainst loss. 

IV. Perfect publicity as to the state of the bank at 
all times, including, besides the usual heads of inf )r- 
mation, the names of every debtor to the bank, whe- 
ther as drawer, endorser, or surety, periodically- ex- 
bited, and open to public inspection; or, if that 
should be found inconvenient, the v\^j:\\t to be secured 
to any citizen to ascertain at the bank the nature and 
extent of the responsibility of any of its customers. 
There is no necessity to throw any veil of secrecy 
around the ordinary transactions of a bank. l*ub- 
licity will increase responsibility, repress favoritism, 
insure the negotiation of good paper, and, when in- 
dividual insolvency unfortunately occurs, will depri\e 
the bank of undue advantages now enjoyed by banks 
practically in the distribution of the elfects of the in- 
solvent. 

V. A limitation of the dividends so as not to au- 
thorize more than per cent, to be vStruck. This 

will check undue expansions in the medium, and re- 



F n I X RY C LAY. 157 

strain improper extension of business in the adminis- 
tration of the bank. 

VI. A prospective reduction in the rate of interest, 
80 as to restrict the bank to six per cent, simply, or, 
if [)racticable, to only live per cent. The reducti')!! 
may be etiected by forbearing to exact any bonus, or, 
when the profits are likely to exceed the prescribed 
limit of the dividends, by requiring the rates of inte- 
rest shall be so lowered as that they shall not pass 
that limit. 

YLL A restriction upon the premium demanded 
upon post-notes and checks used for remittances, so 
that the maximum should not be more than say one 
and a half per cent, between any two of the remotest 
points in the Union. Although it may not be prac- 
ticable to regulate foreign exchange, depending as it 
does upon commercial causes not within the control 
of any one Government, it is otherwise with regard 
to domestic exchansre. 

YIII. Every practicable provision against the exer- 
cise of improper influence, on the part of the Execu- 
tive, upon the bank, and, on the part of the bank, 
upon the elections of the country. The people enter- 
tain a just jealousy against the danger of any inter- 
ference of a bank with the elections of a country, 
and every precaution ought to be taken strictly to 
guard against it. 

The bill presented by Mr. Clay was passed, after a 
thorough discussion, and sent to the President for his 
approval. He returned it immediately with his veto. 
This act of the Chief Masristrate then became the 
legitimate subject of discussion in the Senate; and 
14 



i »'^ 



THE L T F K AND T I M E S 



on .1 ^[J*. Clay deliverer] one of his ablest speecheg. 
It w'Ui a niemoraMe disi)lav of coirent ari^unient and 
indi[rnant eloquence — tlie spirit and power of which 
tlie fnllowinof extracts will furnish an exhibition : 

^'Tf it were possible to disinter the venerated re- 
mains of James Madison, reanimate liis perishing 
form, and place him once more in that chair of state 
which he so much adorned, what would have been 
liis course, if this bill had been presented to him, 
even sup[)osing liim never to have atinounced his ac- 
quiescence in the settled judgment of the nation? 
He would have said, that hunian controversy, in re- 
gard to a single question, should not be perpetual, 
and ought to have a termination. This, ahout the 
power to establish a Bank of the United States, hag 
been Ions: enoudi continued. The nation, under all 
the forms of its pul)lic action, has often and delibe- 
rately decided it. A bank, and associated financial 
and currency questions which had long sle[)t, were 
revived, and have divided the nation during the last 
ten years of arduous and hitter struggle; and the 
party which put down the bank, and which occa- 
sioned all the disorders in our currency and finances, 
has itself heen signally [)ut down by one of those 
great moral and political revolutions which a f\'et\ a 
]>atiioiic peoi»le, can but seldom arouse itself to make. 
Human infallihility has not been granted by God; 
and the chances of error are much greater on the 
side of one man, than on that of the majoritv of a 
whole peo[»le and their successive Legislatures, dur- 
ing a long period of time. I yield to the irresistihle 
force of autiiority. I will not put myself in opposi- 



OF HENRY CLAY. 1'^^ 

tion to a Tneasnre so inipcrativcly demanded b}^ the 
public voice, and so essential to elevate my depressed 
and suitering countrymen. 

"And whv should not President Tvler have suf- 
fered the hill to become a law without his signature? 
Without meaning the sliglitest p»)ssible disrespect to 
iiim (nothing is further from my heart than the exhi- 
bition of any such feeling toward that distinguished 
citizen, h»ng my personal friend), it cannot be for- 
gotten that he came into his present office under 
peculiar circumstances. The people did not foresee 
the contingency which has happened. They voted 
for him as Vice-President. They did not, therefore, 
scrutinize his opinions with the care which they 
probably ought to have done, and would have done, 
if thi'y could have looked into futurity. If the pre- 
sent state of the fact could have been anticipated — 
if at Ilarrisburg, or at the polls, it had been fore- 
seen that General Harrison would die in one short 
month after the commencement of his administra- 
tion ; that Vice-President Tyler would be elevated 
to the Presidential chair; that a bill, passed by deci- 
sive majoiities of the first Whig Congress, chartering 
a national bank, would be presented for his sanction, 
ani th.it he would veto the l)ill, do I hazard any- 
thin^'- whi'U I express the conviction, that he would 
not have received a solitary vote in the nominating 
convention, nor one solitary electoral vote iu any 
IState in the Union ? 

-'Shall I be told that tlie honor, the firmness, the in- 
d pendence of tlie chief magistrate might have been 
drawn in (juestiuu if he had remained passive, and so 



160 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

permitted the bill to become a law? I answer, tbat 
the office of chief masjistrate is a sacred and exalted 
trust, created and conferred for the benefit of the 
nation, and not for the private advantage of the 
person who fills it. Can any man's reputation for 
lirmnet^s, independence, and honor, be of more im- 
])()rtance than the welfare of a great peojile? There 
is nothing, in my liumble judgment, in such a course, 
incompatible with honor, with firmness, with inde- 
pendence, properly understood. Certainly, I most 
respectfully think, in reference to a measure like this, 
recommended by such high sanctions — by five Con- 
gresses, by the authority of four Presidents, by re- 
})eated decisions of the Supreme Court, by the ac- 
quiescence and judgment of the people of the United 
States during long pei'iods of time, by its salutary 
operation on the interests of the communit}^ for a 
space of forty 3'ears, and demanded by the people 
whose suffrages placed President Tyler in that second 
office, whence he was translated to the first, that he 
might liave suppressed the promptings (>f all personal 
pride of private opinion, if any arose in his bosom, 
and yielded to the wishes and wants of his country. 
Nor do I believe that, in such a course, he would liave 
nuide the smallest sacrifice, in a just sense, of personal 
honor, firmness, or independence. 

''Jbit, sir, there was still a third alternative, to 
which I allude, not because I mean to intimate that 
it should be embraced, but because I am reminded of 
it l)y a memorable event in tlie life of President 
T\ler. It will be lecollected that, after the Senate 
had passed the resolutions declaring the removal of 



OF HENRY CLAY. IGi 

tl:e public deposits from the late Bank of tlie United 
States to have been deroo^atorv to the Constitution 
and laws of the United States, for which resolution 
President, then Senator Tyler, had voted, the General 
Assembly of Virginia instructed the Senators from 
that State to vote for the expunging of that resohition. 
Senator Tyler declined voting in conformity with that 
instruction, and resigned his seat in the Senate of the 
United States. This he did because he could not 
conform, and did not think it rio^ht to 2:0 counter to 
the wishes of those who had placed him in the Senate. 
If, when the people of Virginia, or the General As- 
sembly of Virginia, were his only constituency, he 
would not set up his own particular opinion, in oppo- 
sition to theirs, what ought to be the rule of his con- 
duct when the people of twenty-six States — a whole 
nation — compose his constituency? Is the will of the 
constituenc}' of one State to be respected, and that of 
twenty-six to be wholly disregarded ? Is obedience 
due only to the single State of Virginia? The Presi- 
dent admits that the bank question deeply agitated, 
and continues to ao-itate the nation. It is incontcst- 
ahle that it was the o-reat, absorbins:, and controllinsr 
question in all our recent divisions and exertions. I 
am lirmly convinced, and it is my deliherate judg- 
ment, that an immense majority, not less than two- 
thirds of the nation, desire such an institution. All 
doubts in this respect ought to he dispelled by the 
recent decisions of the two Houses- of Cons^ress. I 
speak of them as evidence, of popular opinion. In 
the House of Representatives the majority was one 
hundred and thirty-one to one Jiundred. If the House 
14* L 



162 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

had been full, and but for the modification of the six- 
teenth fundamental condition, there would have been 
a ]irobable majority of forty-seven. Is it to be be- 
lieved that this large majority of tlie immediate re- 
presentatives of the peo])le, fresh from among them, 
and to whom the President peemed inclined, in his 
opening message, to refer this very question, have 
mistaken the wishes of their constituents?" 

Mr. Rives of Virginia undertook to reply to this 
argument of Mr. Clay. After the conclusion of his 
speech, it was not the purpose of the Kentucky sena- 
tor to respond, as he had already given utterance to 
all he had intended to say on the subject, and had 
taken no notes of the remarks of Mr. Rives. Mr. 
Clay was, however, requested to address the Senate 
again ; he complied ; and in doing so delivered one 
of the most eloquent outbursts ever heard in that 
chamber. Its concluding torrent, worthy of the best 
days and the noblest efibrts of Cicero, was as follows: 

*'I have no desire," said Mr. Clay, "to prolong 
this unpleasant discussion ; but I must say that I 
heard with great surprise and regret the closing re- 
mark, especially, of the honorable gentleman from 
Virginia, as, indeed, I did many of those which pre- 
ceded it. That gentleman stands in a peculiar situa- 
tion. I found him several years ago in the half-way 
house, where he seems afraid to remain, and from 
which he is yet unwilling to go. I had thought, after 
the thorough riddling which the roof of the house 
had received in the breaking up of the pet-bank 
Fystem, he would have fled somewhere else for refuge: 
but there he still stands, solitary and alone, shivering 



OF HENRY CLAY. 163 

and pelted by the pitiless storm. The Snb-treasnry 
is repealed; the pel-bank system is abandoned; tiie 
United States Bank bill is vetoed; and now, when 
there is as complete and perfect a reunion of the purse 
and the sword in the hands of the executive as ever 
there was under General Jackson or Mr. Van Buren, 
the Senator is for doins; nothins:! The Senator is for 
going h(mie, leaving the Treasury and the country in 
their lawless condition! Yet no man has heretofore, 
more than he has, deplored and deprecated a state of 
things so utterly unsafe, and repugnant to all Just 
precautions, indicated alike by sound theory and ex- 
perience in free governments. And the Senator talks 
to us about applying to the wisdom of practical men, 
in respect to banking, and advises further delibera- 
tion! Why, I should suppose that we are at present 
in the very best situation to act upon the sul ject. 
Besides the manj^ painful years we have had for de- 
liberation, we have been near three months almost ex- 
clusively engrossed with the very subject itself. We 
have lieard all manner of facts, statements, and ariru- 
ments, in any way connected with it. We under- 
stand, it seems to me, all we ever can learn or com- 
prehend about a national bank. And we have, at 
lea^t, some conception too of what sort of one will be 
acceptable at the other end of the avenue. Yet now, 
with a vast majority of the people of the entire coun- 
try crying out to us for a bank; with the people 
throughout the whole valley of the Mississippi rising 
in their majesty, and demanding it as indispensahle 
to their well-being, and pointing to their losses, their 
sacrifices, and their sufferings, for the want of such 



164 THE L I F K A N D TIMES 

an institution : in snch a state of things, v:e are 
gravely and coldly told by tlie honorable Senator from 
Virginia, that we hud hest go home, leaving tlie purse 
and the sword in the uncontrolled possession of the 
President, and, above all things, never to make a 
party bank! AVhy, sir, does he, ^^ith all liis know- 
ledge of the conflicting opinions which prevail liere, 
and have prevailed, believe that we ever can make a 
bank but by the votes of one party who are in favor 
of it, in opposition to the votes of another party 
against it? I deprecate this expression of ojtinion 
from that gentleman the more, because, although the 
honorable Senator professes not to know the opinions 
of the President, it certainly does turn out in the 
sequel, that there is a most remarkable coi-ncidevce 
between those opinions and his own ; and he has, on 
the present occasion, defended the motives and the 
course of the President with all the solicitude and all 
the fervent zeal of a member of his frivy council. 
There is a rumor abroad, that a cabal exists — a new 
sort of kitchen cabinet — whose object is the dissolu- 
tion of the regular cabinet, the dissolution of the 
"Whig party, the dis|>ersion of Congress without ac- 
complishing any of the great purposes of the extra 
session, and a total change, in fact, in the whole face 
of our political affairs. I hope, and I persuade my- 
self, that the honorable Senator is not, can not be, ojie 
of the component members of such a cabal; but I 
must say, that there has been displayed by the honor- 
able Senator to-day, a ])redi-position, astonishing and 
inexjilicable, to misconceive almost all of what I have 
Baid, and a persevei'ance, aiUr r^'peated coi'rections, 



I 



OF IIEXRY CLAY. 165 

in misunderstandiiw — for I will not charsre liim witli 
wilfullv and intentionally misrepresenting: — the wliole 
spirit and character of the address which, as a man 
of honor and as a Senator, I felt myself hound in 
duty to make to this hody. 

''The Senator hegins with saying that I charge the 
Piesident with 'pertidy?' Did I use any such lan- 
guage ? I appeal to ever}' gentleman who heard me, 
to say whether I have, in a single instance, gone be- 
yond a fair and legitiaiate examination of the Execu- 
tive objections to the bill. Yet he has charged me 
with ' arraio;nintr' the President, with iudictiuir him 
in various counts, and with imputing to him motives 
such as I never even intimated or dreamed ; and that, 
when I was constantly expressing, over and over, my 
personal respect and regard for President Tjder, for 
whom I have cherished an intimate personal friend- 
sliip of twenty years' standing, and while I expressly 
said, tliat if that friendship should now be inter- 
rupted, it should not be my fault! Why, sir, what 
possible, what conceivable motive can I have to quar- 
rel with the President, or to break up the Whig 
party? AVljat earthly motive can impel me to wish 
for any other result than that that party shall remain 
in perfect harmony, undivided, and shall move undis- 
mayed, boldly and unitedly forward to the accom- 
plishment of the all-important public objects which it 
has avowed to be its aim? What imajxinable interest 

CD 

or feeling can I have other than the success, the 
triunipli, the glory of the Whig party? But that 
there may be designs and purposes on the part of cer- 
tain other individuals to place me in inimical rela- 



166 THE LIFE AND T I M E S 

tions with the President, and to represent me as per- 
sonally opposed to him, I can well imagine — indi- 
viduals who are beating up for recruits, and endea- 
voring to form a third party, with materials so scanty 
as to be wholly insufficient to compose a decent cor- 
poral's guard." 

Mr. Clay had expressed his intention to resign his 
seat in the Senate, and to retire from public life, as 
early as November, 1840. After tlie death of Gene- 
ral ilarrison, and the accession of Mr. Tyler, he had 
deferred the execution of his purpose, in order to 
carry through the several measures to which we have 
already adverted. lie had been entirely disappointed 
in the policy ])ursued by President Tyler, with whom, 
at the commencement of his administration, he had 
been on the most friendly terms. He frequently 
visited him at the *• White House," dined with liim, 
and held consultations with him on public affairs. 
On these occasions Mr. Tyler assured him that he had 
formed no opinions adverse to a national bank; and 
therefore when the bill to establish such an institu- 
tion was vetoed by the President, the blow was un- 
ex[)ecte(l by Mr. Clay, and very naturally alienated 
him from his former friend, lie now determined to 
execute his purpose of withdrawing from the Senate. 
On the 16th of February, 1842, he sent the following 
letter of resignation to the Legislature of Kentucky : 

*' When I last had the honor of an appointment as 
one of the United States Senators from Kentucky, I 
intimated, in my letter of acceptance, the |)robability 
oK my not serving out the whole terni of six years. 
In consequence of there having beea two extra ses- 



F H E N R Y C L A y . J ()7 

sions of Congress, I have already a1 tended, since that 
appointment, as many sessions of Congress as ordi- 
narily happen daring a Senatorial term, without esti- 
mating my services at the present session. 

"I have for several years desired to retire to pri- 
vate life, but have been hitherto prevented from 
executing my wish from considerations of public 
duty. I should have resigned my seat in the Senate 
at the commencement of the present session, but for 
several reasons, one of which was, that the General 
Assembly did not meet until near a month after 
Congress, during which time the State would not 
have been fully represented, or my successor would 
have had only the uncertain title of an Executive ap- 
pointment. 

''The time has now arrived when I think that, 
without any just reproach, I may quit the public ser- 
vice, and bestow some at ention on my private affairs, 
which have suffered much by the occupation of the 
largest portion of my life in the public councils. If 
the Roman veteran had title to discharge after thirty 
years' service, I, who have served a much longer pe- 
riod, may justly claim mine. 

"I beg leave, therefore, to tender to the General 
Assembly, and do now hereby tender, my resigna- 
tion of the office which I hold, of Senator in the 
Senat(j of the United States, from the State of Ken- 
tucky, to take effect on the 31st of March, 1842 ; and 
I request that the General Assembly will appoint my 
successor to take his seat on that day. I have lixed 
that day to allow me an opportunity of assisting in 



lUS 



THE LITE AND TIMES 



the completion of some measures which have been 
originated by nie. 

"I embrace tliis opportunity to offer to the Gene- 
ral Assembly my most profound and grateful ac- 
knowledgments for the numerous and distinguished 
proofs by which I have been honored, of its warm 
attachment and generous confidence, during a long 

series of years." 

On the 31st of March, 1842, Mr. Clay formally an- 
nounced to the Senate the resignation of his seat, and 
took leave of that body in a speech of great beauty 
and pathos. lie thought the withdrawal was his 
last, and that he should never more appear in that 
chamber which had been the scene of so many 
triumphs and forensic splendors on his part. His 
purpose had become known to the public; and the 
hall and adjacent passages were crowded on the occa- 
sion with an audience of both sexes, such as rarely 
graced the efforts of an orator, even at the seat of the 
Federal Government. He arose for the purpose 
ostensibly of presenting the credentials of Mr. Crit- 
tenden, his successor, as Senator from Keiitucky. 
On no occasion, daring his long public career, did he 
acquit himself with more ability and success than ia 
the execution of this difficult and delicate task. Dur- 
ing the delivery of the remarks which followed the 
presentation of the credentials, the sympathies of his 
hearers became deeply affected; and many eyes, un- 
used to melting moods, were suffused witli tears, 
while the aged and eloquent statesman described, 
with that graceful easy dignity, and with that melli- 
lluous sweetness of tone, which have been equalled 



OP HENRY CLAY. 1C9 

by no orator ancient or modern, — bis Ions: and ardu- 
ous career, the memorable scenes be bad witnessed, 
aud in wbiob be had participated, connected witb tbe 
nation's history; and tben expressed bis intention to 
witbcb-aw from tbat arena to private life, and uttered 
bis best vvisbes for tbe welfare of bis late associates, 
his hearers and bis countrymen. Tbe conclusion of- 
tbis remarkable oration was as follows: 

"Durincr that Um^: period, however, I have not 
escaped the fate of otber public men, nor failed to in- 
cur censure and detraction of tbe bitterest, im^st un- 
relenting, and most malignant cbaracter; and tbough 
not always insensible to tbe pain it was meant to in- 
flict, I bave borne it in general witb composure, and 
witbout disturbance here [pointing to bis brea>t], 
waiting as I bave done, in perfect and undoubting 
confidence, for tbe ultimate triumph of justice and of 
trutb, and in tlie entire persuasion that time would 
settle all things as tbey sbouM be, and that wbatever 
wrong or injustice I migbt experience at tbe hands 
of man. He, to wbom all hearts are open and fully 
known, would, by tbe inscrutable dispensations of llis 
providence, rectify all error, redress all wrong, and 
cause ample justice to be done. 

"But I bave not meanwbile been nnsnstained. 
Kverywbere tbrougbout tbe extent of tbis great con- 
tinent I bave bad cordial, warm-hearted, faitbful, and 
devoted friends, wbo bave known me, loved me, and 
appreciated my motives. To tbem, if language were 
capable of fully expressing my acknowledgments, I 
would now offer all tbe return I bave tbe power to 
make for their genuine, disinterested, and persevering 
15 



170 T ri K LIFK AND T I xM E S 

tidelitv and devoted attachment, the feelinsTs and sen- 
tinicnts of a lieart overflowinf^ with never-ceasinor 
gratitude. If, liowever, I fail in suitable language to 
express my gratitude to them for till the kindness they 
liave shown to me, what shall I say, what can I say 
at all commensurate with those feelimrs of ormtitude 
with which I have been inspired by the State whose 
humble representative and servant I have been in this 
chamber? [Plere Mr. Clay's feelings overpowered 
him, and he proceeded with deep sensibility and difli- 
cult utterance.] 

*' I emio;rated from Yirs^inia to the State of Ken- 
tuck}' now nearly forty-tive j-ears ago; I went as an 
orphan boy who had not yet attained the age of ma- 
jority — who liad never recognized a father's smile, 
nor felt his warm caresses — poor, penniless, without 
the favor of the great — with an im[)erfect and ne- 
glected education, hardly sufficient for the ordinary 
business and common pursuits of life; but scarce had 
I set my foot upon her generous soil, when I was em- 
braced with parental fondness, caressed as thoui^h I 
had been a favorite child, and patronized with liberal 
and unbounded munificence. From that period the 
l)ii>-hest honors of the State have been freelv bestowed 
u[K)n me; and when, in the darkest hour of calumny 
and detraction, I seemed to be assailed bv all the rest 
of the world, she interposed her broad and impene- 
trable shield, repelled the poisoned shafts that were 
tiimed for my destruction, and vindicated my good 
name fron\ every malignant and unfounded asper- 
Bi<>n. I return with indescribable pleasure to linger 
«,while longer, and mingle with the warm-hearted and 



OF HENRY CLAY. 171 

wliole-s^niled people of that State ; and, wlien the last 
scene sliall forever close npon nie, I hope that my 
earthly remains will be laid under her green sod with 
those of her galhiiit and patriotic sons. 

'*Hnt the ingenuity of my assailants is jever ex- 
hausted. It seems I have subjected myself to a new 
epithet, which I do not know whether to take in 
honor or derogation ; I am held up to the countrv aa 
a ' dictator.' A dictator ! The idea of a dictatorship 
is drawn tVom Roman institutions; and at the time 
the office was created, the person who wielded the 
tremendous weight of authority it conferred, concen- 
trated in liis own i)erson an absolute power over the 
liv.s and property of all Ids fellou -citizens : he could 
levy armies; he could build and man navies; he 
could raise any amount of revenue he might choose 
to demand ; and life and death rested on his tiat. If 
I were a dictator, as I am siud to be, where is the 
power with which* I am clothed? Have I any army ? 
any navy? any revenue? any patronage? in a word, 
any power whatever? If I juid been a dictator, I 
think that even those who have the most freely ap- 
pl ed to m- the appellation, must he compelled to 
make two admissions: first, that my dictatorship has 
ben^distinguished by no cruel executions, stained by 
no blood, sullied by no act of dishonor; and I think 
they must also own (though I do not exactly know 
what date my commission of dictator bears — I sup- 
pose, huwever, it must have commenced with the ex- 
tra ses io.i), that if I did usurp the power of a dictator, 
I al least voluntarily surrenaered it within a shorter 



1 12 T n E L I r E A N D TIMES 

period lliaii was allotted for the diiratioii of the dic- 
tatorsliip of tlie Ivonum coinnionwealtli. 

'' If to liave sought at the extra session and at the 
present, by the co-operation of my friends, to carry 
out the great measures intended by the popular ma- 
jority of 1840, and to liave earnestly wished that they 
should all haye been ado[)ted and executed; if to 
liaye ardently desired to see a disordered currency 
regulated and restored, and irregular exchanges equal- 
ized and adjusted ; if to have labored to replenish the 
empty coffers of the treasury by suitable duties; if to 
have endeavored to extend relief to the unfortunate 
bankrupts of the country, who had been ruined in a 
great measure by the erroneous polic}', as v;e be- 
lieved, of this Government; to limit, circumscribe, 
and reduce Executive authority; to retrench nnne- 
ccvssary expenditure and abolish useless offices and 
institutions, and to preserve the public honor untar- 
nished by supplying a revenue adequate to meet the 
national engagements, and incidental protection to 
the national industry; if to have entertained an anx- 
ious solicitude to redeem every pledge, and execute 
every promise fairly made by my political friends, 
with a view to the acquisition of power from the 
hands of an honest and confiding people; if these 
constitute a man a dictator, why, then, I must be 
content to bear, althougli I still ought only to share 
with ni}' friends the odium or the honor of the epi- 
thet, as it may be consi-dered on the one hand or the 
other. 

" That my nature is warm, my temper ardent, my 
disposition, especially in relation to the public ser- 



o 



OF HENRY CLAY. 17'^ 



vice, entlinsiastic, I am ready to ow'n ; and those who 
suppose that I liave been assiiniing the dictatorship, 
have only mistaken for arrogance or assumption that 
ardor and devotion which are natural to my constitu- 
tion, and wliich I may have displayed with too little 
regard to cold, calculating, and cautious prudence, in 
sustaining and zealously supporting important na- 
tional measures of policy which I have presented and 
espoused. 

"In the course of a long and arduous public ser- 
vice, es}:)ecially during the last eleven years in which 
I have held a seat in the Senate, from tlie same ardor 
and enthusiasm of character, I have no doubt, in the 
heat of debate, and in an honest endeavor to main- 
tain my opinions against adverse opinions alike 
honestly entertained, as to the best course to be 
adopted for the public welfare, I may have often in- 
advertently and unintentionally, in moments of ex- 
cited debate, made use of lans^uao^e that has been 
offensive, and susceptible of injurious interpretation 
toward my brother Senators. If there be any here 
who retain wounded feelings of injuiy or dissatisfac- 
tion produced on such occasions, I beg to assure them 
that I now offer the most ample apology for any de- 
parture on my part from the established rules of par- 
liamentarv decorum and courtesv. On the otlier 
hand, I assure Senators, one and all, without exce})- 
tion and without reserve, that I retire from this cham- 
ber without carrvins; with me a single feelini^ of re- 
sentment or dissatisfaction to the Senate or any one 
of its members. 

''I o'o froju this place under the hope that we shall, 
^ 15* 



174 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

mntiinllv, conpijxn to y)cr]totnnl oblivion \Aliatf'ver per- 
sonal collisions niav at aiiv time nnfortunatelv liave 
occurred between ns ; and tliat our recollection^^ shall 
dwell in future onlv on those conflicts of mind with 
mind, those intellectual struirccles, those noble exhi- 
bitions of the powers of logic, arirument, and elo- 
qu<nce, honorable to the Senate and to the nation, in 
which each has sous^lit and contended for what he 
deemed the best mode of accomplishing one common 
object, the interest and the most hap]nness of our 
beloved country. To these thrilling and delightful 
scenes it will be my pleasure and my pride to look 
back in mv retirement with unmeasured satisfaction. 

*'And now, Mr. President, allow me to make the 
motion which it was my object to submit when I rose 
to address you. I present the credentials of my friend 
and successor [Hon. J. J. Crittenden]. If any void 
has been created bv mv withdrawal from the Senate, 
it will beamplv tilled bv him, whose urbanitv, whose 
gallant and gentlemanly bearing, whose steady ad- 
herence to principle, and whose rare and accom- 
plished powers in debate, are known to the Senate 
and to the country. I move that his credentials be 
received, and that the oath of office be now admin- 
istered to him. 

"In retiring, as I am about to do, for ever, from the 
Senate, sutler me to exi)ress my heartfelt wishes that 
all the great and patriotic objects of the wise framers 
of our Constitution may be fultilled ; that the hii^^h 
destiny designed for it may be fully answered; and 
that its deliberations, now and hereafter, mav even- 
tuate in securing the prosperity of our beloved coun- 



OF HENRY CLAY. 175 

try, in maintaining its rights and honor ahroad. and 
upholding its interests at home. I retire, I know, at 
a period of infinite distress and end)arrassnient. I 
wish I could take my leave of you under more favor- 
able auspices; but, without meaning at this time to 
say whetlier on any or on whom reproaches for the 
sad condition of the country should fall, I appeal to 
the Senate and to the w^orld to bear testimony to niy 
earnest and continued exertions to avert it, and to the 
truth that no blame can justly attach to me. 

"Maj- the most precious blessings of Heaven rest 
upon the whole Senate and each member of ir, and 
may the labors of every one redound to the benetit 
of the nation and the advancement of liis own fame 
and renown. And when you shall retire to the bosom 
of your constituents, may you receive that most 
cheering and gratifying of all human rewards — their 
cordial greeting of 'Well done, good and faithful 
servant.' 

"And now, Mr. President, and Senators, I bid you 
all a lo*ug, a lasting, and a friendly farewell." 



17 G THE LIFE AND TIMES 



CIIAPTEE XII. 

MR. clay's return TO PRIVATE LIFE THE LEXINGTON BARBECUE — 

HIS SPEECH ON THIS OCCASION — HIS VISIT TO RICHMOND, INDIANA 
— INCIDENT IN REFERENCE TO THE SLAVERY QUESTION — HIS SPEECH 
ON THIS OCCASION — HIS VISIT TO DAYTON, OHIO — HIS JOURNEY TO 
THE SOUTH-EASTERN STATES — ENTHUSIASTIC RECEPTIONS DURING 
THE PROGRESS OF HIS JOURNEY — HE SOJOURNS AT WASHINGTON — IS 
NOMINATED FOR THE PRESIDENCY BY THE TV'HIG CONVENTION AT 
BALTIMORE — HE RETURNS TO ASHLAND. 

After withdrawing from puMic life !Mr. Clay re- 
turned to Kentucky. But tlionc:h no lonircr entraired 

«y *_ kit 

in the official service of liis country, lie was still the 
oliject of general interest; and lie received many 
proofs of the continued admiration with which he 
was reirarded bv those whom he liad so Ion c^ and abiv 
represented in the councils of the nation. On the 
9tli of June, 1842, a public entertainment, known h}- 
the name of Barbecue^ was prepared for him at Lex- 
ington, and an immense assemblage of persons, not 
onlv from that vicinit\- but also from nciii-liborino; 
States, convened to increase the interest of the occa- 
sion, and to gratify the laudable curiosity which they 
felt to see and hear the man whose fame already ex- 
tended so vvidclv and soared so loftilv. 

On this occasion he delivered a s})eech two hours 
in length. It was of a purely popular character, em- 



OF HENRY CLAY. 177 

brriCiTir a variety of subjects, and was received with 
tlie utmost enthusiasm. Chief-Justice Eobertson of 
Kentuck}' presided ; and having opened the proceed 
ings, concluded his speech by ofiering the followino' 
entliusiastic sentiment: 

''^ Henry Clay — farmer of AsJdand, patriot and phi- 
lanthropist — the Americari statesman, and unrivalled 
orator of the age — illustrious abroad, beloved at home: 
in a long career of eminent public service, often, like 
Aristides, he breasted the raging storm of passion and 
delusion, and by offering himself a sacritice, saved 
the republic ; and now, like Cincinnatus and Wash- 
ington, having voluntarily retired to the tranquil 
walks of private life, the grateful hearts of his coun- 
trymen will do him ample justice; but come what 
may, Keyitucky will stand by him, and still continue to 
cherish and defend, as her own, the fame of a son 
who has emblazoned her escutcheon with immortal 
renown." 

After the adoption of this sentiment by the ap- 
proving plaudits of myriads, Mr. Clay commenced 
liis speech. He embraced the occasion to review the 
history and some of the events of his own public life; 
and in the course of it made the followino; remarks 
in reference to the charge of bribery and corru[)tiou 
which had so long and so repeatedly been urged 
aii:ainst him : 

''I ^^■ill take this occasion now to sav that I am, 
and luive been long satisfied, that it would have been 
wiser and more politic in me to have declined ac- 
cepting the office of Secretary of State in 1825. I^ot 
that luy motives were not as pure and as patriotic as 

M 



ITS THE LIFE AND TIMES 

ever carrier! any man into pnblic r^ffice. IS'ot that the 
calumny which was aj)]>licd to tlie fact was not as 
trross and as unfounded as any that was ever propa- 
iratcd. [Here somebody cried out tliat Mr. Carter 
J3everlev, wlio had been made the organ of announc- 
iuiX it, liad recent'y home testimony to its l)einir un- 
founded.] Mr. Chiy said it was true that lie liad 
voluntarily borne such testimony. But, with great 
earnestness and emphasis Mr. Cla}- said, I want no 
testimony — here, here, here [repeatedly touching his 
heart, amid tremendous cheers], here is the hest of 
all witnesses of my innocence. Not that valued 
friends and highly-esteemed opponents did not unite 
in ur^'inor piy acceptance of the office. Kot that the 
administration of Mr. Adams will not, I sincerely 
believe, advantageously compare with any of his pre- 
decessors in economy, i)urity, prudence, and wisdom. 
Kot that Mr. Adunis was himself wanting in any of 
tbose high qualitications and upright and patriotic 
intentions which were suited to the office. Of that 
extraordinary man, of rare and varied attainments, 
whatever diversity of opinion inav exist as to his re- 
cent course in the House of Representatives (and 
candor obliges me to say that there are some things 
in it which I deeply regret), it is with no less truth 
than plea-ure I declare that, during the whole i)eriod 
of his administration, annoyed, assailed, and assaulted 
as it was, no mnn could have shown a more devoted 
attachment to tlie Union and all its great interests, a 
more ardent desire faithfully to discbarge his whole 
duty, or brought to his aid more useful exj)erience 
and' kuowledge, than he did. I uever transacted 



OF IlENKY CLAY. 179 

bnsiness with any man, in my life, with rnore ease, 
satisfaction, and a(lvanta<re, than I did with that most 
ahle and ind -fatia'ahle icentleman, as President of the 
United States. And I will add, that more harmony 
iieyer prevailed in any Cabinet than in his. 

''Bnt my en*or in acc'eptin<j; tlie office, arose ont of 
my nnderrating the power of detraction and the force 
of iii'iiorance, and abiding witli too sure a confidence 
in the conscious integrity and uprightness of my own 
motives. Of tliat ijj-norance I had a remarkable and 
laugliable example on an occasion which I will relate. 
I was travellinii:, in 1828. thronorh I believe it w-as 
Spottsylvania County, in Virginia, on my return to 
Washington, in conipany with some young friends. 
We halted at night at a tavern, kept by an aged gen- 
tleman who, I quickly perceived, from the disorder 
and confusion which reigned, had not the happiness 
to have a wife. After a hurried and bad supper, the 
old gentleman sat down by me, and without hearing 
my name, but understanding that I was from Ken- 
tuck}', remarked that he had four sons in that State, 
and that he was very sorry they were divided in poli- 
tics, two being for Adams, and two for Jackson ; he 
wished they were all for Jackson. 'Why?' I asked 
him. 'Because,' he said, 'that fellow Clay, and 
Adams, had cheated Jackson out of the Presidency.* 
'Have you ever seen any evidence, my old friend,* 
said 1, 'of that?' 'No,' he re[>lied, 'none, and I 
want to see none.' 'But,' I observed, looking him 
directly and steadily in the face, 'suppose Mr. Clay 
were to come here and assure you, upon his honor, 
that it was all a vile calumny, and not a word of truth 



J 80 T H E L I F E A N D T 1 M E S 

in it, would you believe liim?' ^ISTo,' replied the old 
gentleman, promptly and emphatically. I said to 
liim, in conclusion, '"Will you be good enough to 
show me to bed?' and bade him good night. The 
next morninc:, liavinir in the interval learned my 
name, he came to me full of apologies; but I at once 
put him at his ease by assuring him that I did not 
feel in the slightest degree hurt or offended with him. 
"Mr. President, I have been accused of ambition, 
often accused of ambition. If to have served my 
country during a long series of years with fervent 
zeal and unshaken fidelity, in seasons of peace and 
war, at hom^e and abroad, in the legislative halls and 
in an executive department; if to have labored most 
sedulously to avert the embarrassment and distress 
which now overspread this Union, and when they 
came, to have exerted myself anxiously, at the extra 
sessi(.)n and at this, to devise healing remedies; if to 
have desired to introduce economy and reform in the 
general administration, curtail enormous executive 
power, and amply provide, at the same time, for the 
wants of the Government and the wants of the people, 
b}' a tariff which would give it revenue and them 
protection ; if to have earnestly sought to establish 
the bright l)ut too rare example of a party in power 
faithful to its promises and pledges made when out 
of power; if these services, exertions, and endeavors, 
justify the accusation of ambition, I must plead 
guilty to the charge. 

"I have wished the good opinion of the world; but 
I defy the most malignant of my enemies to show 
that I have attempted to gain it by any low or grovel- 



OF HENRY CLAY. l81 

ling arts, by any mean or unworthy sacrifices, by the 
violation of any of the obligations of honor, or by a 
breach of any of the duties which I owed to my 
country. 

"I turn, sir, from these personal allusions and 
reminiscences, to the vastly more important subject 
of the present actual condition of this country. If 
thev could ever be justifiable or excusable, it would 
be on such an occasion as this, when I am addressing: 
those to whom I am bound by so many intimate and 
friendly ties." 

Several months after this occasion, on the 1st of Oc- 
tober, 1842, Mr. Clay visited Richmond, Indiana, and 
addressed a large assembly which was attracted to the 
place by the rumor that the illustrious statesman was 
present. On this occasion an incident of some import- 
ance and significance occurred, which deserves to be 
narrated. Anumberof his political opponents, together 
with a few Abolitionists of extreme views, embraced 
the opportunity to elicit his opinions in reference to 
slavery, and perhaps to embarrass him by a direct 
petition that he would, as the advocate of human 
rights and universal liberty, immediately manumit 
his own slaves. A person named Mendenhall was 
selected to perform the chief role on this occasion. 
While engaged in delivering his speech, Mr. Menden- 
hall approached the platform, at the head of the com- 
mittee, holding the petition in his hand. Mr. Clay 
immediately paused, and ascertained the import of 
the dooument. When the facts became known to the 
assembl}', they were exceedingly itulignant at the 
insult which they thought was thus olfered to their 
16 



182 THE L I J i:: AND TIMES 

distinguished visitor; and it is [H'obable that the in- 
truder would have received some })ers()nal vi{»l«-nee, 
Lad not Mr. Clay himself interposed, lie addressed 
the niultitude, and said earnestly: 

*'I hope that Mr. Mendenhall may be treated with 
the greatest forbearance and respect. I assure my 
fellow-citizens, here collecud. tliat the presentation 
of the petition has not occasioned the sliglitest pain, 
nor excited one solitarv disac^reeable emotion. If it 
were to be presented to nie, I prefer that it should be 
done in the face of this vast assemblage. I tliink I 
can o'ive it such an answer as becomes me and the 
subject of wliich it treats. At all events, I entreat 
and beseech my fellow-citizens, for their sake, for my 
sake, to offer no disrcs[)ect, no indignity, no violence, 
in word or deed, to Mr. Mendenhall." Then, turning 
to Mr. ^lendenliall : *' Allow me to sav, that I tliink 
you have not conformed to the independent character 
of an American citizen in presenting a petition to wp.. 
A petition, as the term implies, gciierally proceeds 
from an inferior in j)ower or station to a superior; 
but between us there is entire equality." 

When order was restored, Mr. Clay proceeded to 
answer the appeal thus made to him ; and he acquitted 
himself in this rather novel and per})lcxing dilemma 
with his usual tact and ability, lie |)roceeded to ex- 
press his views in reference to the institution of sla- 
very, and the dilhculties which inevitably surrounded 
the subject. Said he : 

"I know the predominant scntimetit in the free 
States is adverse to slavery; but, liap[)y in their own 
exemption from whatever evils may attend it, the 



OF HENRY CLAY. 183 

srreat mass of our fellow-citizens there do not seek to 
violate the Constitution, or to disturb the harnionv 
of these States. I desire no concealment of my opi- 
nions in re£:ard to the institution of slavery. I look 
upon it as a great evil, and deeply lament that wo 
have derived it from the parental Government, and 
from our ancestors. I wish every slave in the United 
States was in the country of his ancestors. But here 

ft/ 

they ar<% and the question is, how can tliey be best 
dealt with? If a state of nature existed, and we were 
about to lay the foundations of society, no man would 
be more strons^ly opposed than I should be to incor- 
porate tlie institution of slavery among its elements. 
But there is an incalculable difterence between the 
original formation of society and a long-existing or- ' 
gjinized society, with its ancient laws, institutions, 
and establishments. IN^ow, great as I acknowledge, 
in my opinion, the evils of slavery are, they are no- 
thinof absolutely nothinc:, in comparison with the far 
greater evils which would inevitahly flow from a sud- 
den, general, and indiscriminate emancipation. In 
Bonie of the States the number of slaves ajiproximates 
toward an equality with that of the whites; in one 
or two thev surpass them. What would be the con- 
dition c)f the two races in those States, upon the sup- 
position of an immediate emancipation ? Does any 
man suppose that they would become blended into 
one homogeneous mass? Does any man recommend 
amalgamatiou — that revolting admixture, alike offen- 
Bive to God and man? for those whom lie, by tiieir 
pl.'ysical properties, has mavie unlike and put asun- 
der, we may, without presumptuousness, suppose 



184 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

were never intended to be joined together in one of 
the holiest rites. And let me tell you, sir, if you do 
not already know it, that such are the feelings — pre- 
judice, if you please (and what man, claiming to be 
a statesman, will overlook or disregard the deep- 
seated and unconquerable prejudices of the people?) 
— in the slave States, that no human law could en- 
force a union between the two races. 

" What then would certainly happen ? A strug^-le 
for political ascendency; the blacks seeking to ac- 
quire, and the whites to maintain, possession of the 
government. Upon the supposition of a general im- 
mediate emancipation in those States where the 
blacks outnumber the whites, they would have no- 
thing to do but to insist upon another part of the 
same declaration of independence, as Dorr and his 
deluded Democratic followers recentlv did in Rhode 
Island; according to wliich, an undefined majority 
have the right, at their pleasure, to subvert an exist- 
ing government, and institute a new one in its place; 
and then the whites would be brought in complete 
subjection to the blacks! A contest would inevitably 
ensue between the two races — civil war, carnage, pil- 
lage, conflagration, devastation, and the ultimate 
extermination or expulsion of the blacks. jS'othing 
is more certain. And are not these evils far (greater 
than the mild and continually improving state of sla- 
very which exists in this country? I say continually 
improving; for if this gratifying progress in the ame- 
lioration of the condition of the slaves has been 
checked in some of the States, the responsibility 
must attach to the unfortunate agitation of the sub- 



OF HENRY CLAY. 185 

ject of aholition. In consequence (^f it, increased 
rigor in the police, and further restraints have been 
imposed; and I do believe that gradual emancipation 
(the only method of liberation that has ever been 
thought safe or wise b}' anybody in any of the slave 
States) has been postponed half a century." 

In concluding this portion of his speech Mr. Clay 
remarked: " I shall, Mr. Mendenhall, take your peti- 
tion into respectful and deliberate consideration ; but 
before I come to a final decision, I should like to know 
what you and your associates are willing to do for the 
slaves in wy possession, if I should think proper to libe- 
rate them .^ I own about lit\y, who are probably worth 
fifteen thousand dollars. To turn them loose upon 
society, without any means of subsistence or support, 
would be an act of cruelty. Are you willing to raise 
and secure the payment of fifteen thousand dollars 
for their benefit, if I should be induced to free them? 
The security of the payment of that sum would ma- 
terially lessen the obstacle in the way of their eman- 
cipation." 

Soon after this incident, and during the progress 
of the same journey, Mr. Clay visited Dayton, Ohio, 
where he addressed one of the largest multitudes 
ever convened in this country, consisting probably of 
a hundred thousand persons. A procession was 
formed wliich marched by the spot at which Mr. Chiy 
stood, and greeted him with repeated and protracted 
applause. He himself declared that he had never 
belield during his long and adventurous life, so vast 
and so entiiusiastic an assembly. Simiilar scenes oc- 
curred afterward .in December at New Orleans, at 



186 THE LI IF. AST) T I M F S 

Natchez in Fcbrnarv, 1843, at ^^loliile and Vicks 
buro:, at Jack^Jon, in Mississijijii, and at Memphis, 
Tennessee. Tliis jc)urney, whicli was undertaken 
partly (ni business, and partly to gratify the solicita- 
tion of friends in various parts of the country, \Nas a 
continual and unparalleled ovation of public admira- 
tion and applause, which could not but be highly 
gratifying to the illustrious recipient of it. 

The year 1843 was spent by Mr. Clay partly in tlie 
welcome retirement of liis home at Ashland, partly 
in uiaking several journeys of Inisiness and I'ccrcation 
to the Soutliern and South-eastern States. On the 
10th of July he was present and spoke at Ealeigh, 
ISiortli Carolina; in December he again visited New 
Orleans; in March, 1844, Columbus and Macon in 
Georgia. On the 1st of April, he arrived at Colum- 
bia, South Carolina, on the 6th he reached Charles- 
ton, and on the 12th he stopped at Raleigh. He then 
continued his journey northward to Norfolk, and 
throuich \'"ir<'-inia to \\"ashiniz:ton. 

During his sojourn at the seat of Government, one 
of the most important incidents of Mr. Clay's event- 
ful life occurred. Twice already had he been nomi- 
luited to the hiij;hest office in the irift of the nation, 
and twice had he been defeated. The administration 
of Mr. Tyler was now approaching its termination, 
and bis successor was to be nominated. The Wiiisr 
party was then a powerful organization, which, in the 
hist contest, had j»laced General Harrison trium- 
phantly in the Pi:esidency ; and it uas i-easonably in- 
fcii-ed that the same success would attend their eth>iis 
ill the struggle which was about to ejisue. No man 



OFHENRYCLAY. 187 

then living in tlie United States was regarded \)y f]\e 
"Whigs witli sncli uu(juarili(Ml admiration, and none 
seemed to enjny sncli general [jopularity witli the mass 
of the nation, h^tstile ].)(.>liticians alone exoeited, as 
Ilunry Clay. Heneeitwasthat, when he was nominated 
unanimously and by acclamation for the Presidency 
bv the National Whig Convention which convened at 
Baltimore on the 12th of Mav, 1844, the nomination 
was received with the most extraordinarv enthnsiasm; 
ine\ital)le success was prognosticated by his }»artisans, 
and liopelessly deprecated by his opponents. Tiiis 
feeling was, if }io>sible, increased, when the Demo- 
cratic National Convention assend)led in Baltimore, 
selected James K. Polk, of Tennessee, the friend and 
profeye of General Jackson, as the rival of Mr. Clay; 
whose inferior he seemed to be in all the qualities 
favorable to the attainment of success. The Whiirs 
nominated Theodore FreHngiiuysen, the Democrats, 
George Al. Dallas, fur the V'ice Presidency. On the 
18th of May Mr. Clay left Washington, and returned 
to his home in Kentucky. 



188 THE LIFE AND TIMES 



CHAPTER XIII. 



THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1844 — REVIVAL OF THE "BARGAIN 
AND SALE'' SLANDER — CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CONTEST — ITS UN- 
EXPECTED RESULT — DEFEAT OF THE WHIGS DISAPPOINTMENT OF 

MR. clay's FRIENDS VARIOUS PROOFS OF THEIR ATTACHMENT TO 

HIM — THE MEXICAN TVAR — DEATH OF HENRY CLAY, JR. — MR. CLAY 
JOINS THE CHURCH — HIS SPEECH ON THE MEXICAN WAR — HIS VIEWS 
ON SLAVERY — HIS VISIT TO THE NORTH — HIS RECEPTION. 



The Presidential contest of tlie year 1844 was one 
of tlic most excited and animated which has occurred 
in tlie liistory of the nation. The enthusiasm of hope 
on the one hand, and the energy of despair on the 
otlier, induced hoth parties to put forth tlie most 
vio-'^rous efforts to attain success. Intense bitterness 
was infused into the contest b}^ the revival of the old 
slander in reference to ^ir. Chij's bargain and sale 
with Mr. Adams; the kej'-note of which \Aas given 
by General Jackson, who, from the calm retirement 
of the Hermitage, on the 3d of May, ])ublished a card 
in the "Nashville Union" reaffirming the accusation. 
It \\as as follows : 

"Gentlkmen: My attention has been called to 
various newspapers articles, referring to a letter said 
to have been written by me to Genei'al Hamilton, 
recantiuij: the charii^e of barij:ain made a^-ainst Mr. 
Clay, when he voted for Mr. Adams in 18-5. 



OF TIENRY CLAY. 189 

*' To put an end to all such rumors, I feel it to be 
due to myself to state, that I have no recollection of 
ever having written such a letter, and do not believe 
there is a letter from me to General Hamilton, or any 
one else, that v^^ill bear such a construction. Of the 
charges brought against both Mr. Adams and Mr. 
Clay, at that time, I formed my opinion as the coun- 
try at large did — from facts and circumstances that 
were indisputable and conclusive; and I may add, 
that this opinion lias undergone no chans^e. 

"If General Hamilton, or any one else, has a letter 
from me on this subject, all that they have to do, is 
to apply to him for it. As for myself, I have no 
secrets, and do not fear the publication of all that I 
have ever written on this or any other subject." 

It is probable that the revival of this calumnv had 
its effect on the minds of many, especially of those 
whose former political preferences a!id animosities 
were recalled to life by it. Beside all the usual leo-i- 
timate methods and contrivances which are used 
during Presidential campaigns by all parties, there 
were other expedients resorted to on this occasion 
which were not so commendable. The private life 
of Mr. Clay was dragged into disagreeable promi- 
nence, and unwarrantable liberties were taken with 
it. Old reports respecting indulgences and vices of 
wliich he was said to have been guilty durini^ the 
years of his early manhood, were rei)roduced and 
widely disseminated as appertaining to later and 
more recent periods of his life ; and the epithets of 
gambler, profane swearer, sabbath-breaker, debauchee, 
were freely and unblushingly applied to him. The 



IPO T H K LIFE AND TIMES 

(TV of Xiitive Anioricanism was raised against Mr. 
Fi'diiiiiliiivseM, the Wliio; noniiiiee for tlje V^iee-Pre- 
sidency; and the utmost etibrts were made to defeat 
the ticket by convincing tlie foreign population of the 
United States that tlie trium})]i of tlie Whigs would 
result in the downfall of their liberties, in the burn- 
ing of their churches, in the murder of their wives 
and chiklren, in untohl horrors and indescribable ca- 
lamities — all which results could be averted only by 
the success of the Democratic part}'. 

In regard to the slavery question, many of Mr. 
Clay's opponents represented him in a twofold and 
equally false position. At the Xorth he was described 
as an ultra })artisan of slavery, obstinately and reso- 
lutel}- bent upon its protection and extension. At 
the South he was de[)icted as a rabid Abolitionist, 
who had already made several' elibrts to exterminate 
the institution within the limits of Kentucky, and 
who in future would continue to wage a war of exter- 
mination against it. Often the language used by 
Mr. Cassius M. Clay was knowingly and intentionallj^ 
api>lied to liis illustrious namesake; who was thus 
made to bear tbe consequences of his irresponsible 
acts and speeches. On the other hand, Mr. Polk's 
views and policy were variously represented ; at the 
North as a devoted friend of the tariff, and a deter- 
inined opponent of the annexation of Texas. At the 
South he was depicted and applauded as the mortal 
foe of the tariff, and as resolutely bent on immediate 
and unconditional annexation. While these opera- 
tions were going forward, a third party was skilfully 
brought into the field, whose only effect would incvi- 



OF HEXRY CLAY. IM 

tably be, to weaken the forces of tlie AYliiir?^, wLile 
they were utterly impotent in securing the triumph 
of tlieir own organization. This was the Al)()Iitinn 
partv, wlio nominated James G. Birnev for the Pre- 
sidency. and gave him tlieir ballots; which, under 
.-ueh circumstances, were equivalent to so many votes 
abstracted from the aggregate number polled bj- the 
supporters and partisans of Mr. Clay. 

Notwithstanding these adverse influences, the lat- 
ter confidently expected to achieve a victory; and in 
this feeling the nation at large participated. The 
disappointment, therefore, which ensued when, after 
the day of the election, it was ascertained that James 
K. Polk liad obtained a majority of the Electors, and 
would be cliosen President bv the Electoral Colleo-e, 
was extreme and almost universal. Mr. Clay bore 
his defeat with lierolc fortitude; but myriads of his 
admirers and friends felt a dejection such as a great 
personal calamity might alone be supposed to be ca- 
])able of producing. The numerical result of the elec- 
tion was as follows: 

For Clay — Massachusetts, 12; Rhode Island, 4; 
Connecticut, 6; Vermont, 6; New Jersey, 7; Dela- 
ware, 3; Maryland, 8; North Carolina, 11; Tennes- 
see, 13; Kentucky, 12; Ohio, 23. — Total, 105. 

For Poi.K — Maine, 9; New Hampshire, 6; New 
York, 36; Pennsylvania, 26; Virginia, 17; South 
Carolina, 9; Georgia, 10; Alabama, 9; Mississippi, 
6; Louisiana, 6 ; Indiana, 12; Illinois, 9; Missouri, 
7; Michigan, 5; Arkansas, 3.- — Total, 170. 

The otiieial popular vote numbered for Clay, 
1,297,912; for Polk, 1,336,196; for Birney, the cai>^ 



1 92 T If !•: I- 1 F ]•: and times 

didate of tlie "Li])oral Party," 62,127. Mr. Polkas 
ninjority over Mr. Clay, exclusive of South Carolina, 
where the Presidential p]lectors were chosen by the 
Leijislature, was 32,284. 

From tills statement it is evident that the loss of 
the votes o-jven to Mr. JBirne\" produced the defeat of 
Mr. Clav, who would otherwise have had a clear ma- 
ioritv over the Democratic nominee. This circum- 
stance naturallv increased the resfret which was felt 
by Mr. Clay's friends, that what the}- regarded as a 
most glorious result should have been defeated by the 
obstinacv of those who persisted in followino" out a 
policy which led to no consequences favorable to them- 
selves. The despair of many persons at the result 
was extravagant, and sometimes even absurd; as will 
appear from the following extracts from a few of the 
hundreds of letters which Mr. Clay received at Ash- 
land, deprecating the issue, and tendering him sym- 
pathy: 

" What a wound has been inflicted upon the honor 
and interests of the country ! I pray God, that truth 
may yet prevail, and our republican institutions be 
saved. It affords me some satisfaction, under the ad- 
verse state of things that exist, to assure you of my 
abiding esteem and cordial friendsldp." 

*'I write with an aching heart, and ache it must. 
God Almighty save us! Althouirh our liearts jire 
broken and bleeding, and our bright hojDes are 
crushed, we feel proud of our candidate. God bless 
you! Your countrvmon do bless you. All know^ 
how to appreciate the man who has stood in the first 



OF HENRY CLAY. 193 

rnnk of American patriots. Though nnlvnown to you, 
von are hv no means a stran-j-er to me." 

'■ Sir. we h^ve yon now hetter than ever. ' 

•'T have hardly ventured to touch my pen to paper, 
de ir and honored sir, to speak of the catastro{)he 
which has hefalleu our country. Its effects are be- 
ginning to deveh)p themselves with frightful rapidity. 
In the midst of its anguish, the public heart heaves 
with an oppressive sense of gratitude 'toward your- 
self." 

" I do not write to you, my dear sir, to offer con 
dolence, which, I know, would be misplaced and 
presumptuous. It is my solemn belief that, of all 
men, you have the least real cause to regret the re- 
sult." 

''The result of the late election, although disas- 
trous to the country, furnishes a proud vindication 
of your principles and fame. No man ever before 
received so gh)rious a testimonial. The defeat is 
nothing to you. It is the people who are to be the 
sufferers." 

"I liave buried a revolutionary father, who poured 
out his blood for his country ; I have followed a mo- 
ther, brothers, sisters, and children, to the grave; and 
although I hope I have felt, under all tliese afflic- 
tions, as a son, a brother, and a father should feel, 
yet nothing has so crushed me to the earth, and de- 
pressed my spirits, as the result of our late political 
contest." 

"I have thought for three or four days I would 
write you, but really I am unmanned. All is gone! 
I see nothing but despair depicted in every counte- 
17 N 



194 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

nance. I confess that nothing has happened to shake 
my confidence in our ability to sustain a free govern- 
ment, so mucli as this. A cloud of gloom hangs over 
the future. May God save the country !" 

*' Could you behold the depression of spirit and 
Rinking of heart that pervade the community, I am 
sure you would feel, 'Well, in very truth, my defeat 
has been the occasion of a more precious tribute and 
vindication than the majority of numbers.' " 

*' I feel as if it would be some relief to express to 
you the deep grief with whicli my heart is penetrated. 
Never was interest so intense manifested in behalf of 
any public man. Your reputation as a statesman and 
a patriot remains untouched, or is rendered more 
brilliant, still commanding, as it long has commanded, 
the admiration of the world." * 

The most serious circumstance which attended the 
campaign of 1844, was the fact that extensive frauds 
were charged, and in some instances demonstrated, 
to have taken place, for the purpose of defeating Mr. 
Clay. It is unnecessary at this late period to specify 
the details connected with this subject; but they were 
sufficient at the time to convince a large proportion 
of the public that Mr. Clay had in fact received a 
majority of the legal votes which had been polled 
throuo-hout the nation ; and that he had been made 
a victim of the implacable hate of his political and 
personal enemies, who were determined at all hazards 
to forbid and prevent his attainment of the Presi- 
dencv. 



* The preceding extracts are taken from Colton's Life of Ilenrj' 
Clay, vol. ii. p. 446. 



OF HENRY CLAY. 106 

"He who ascends the mountain-top shall find 

Its loftiest peaks most wrapt in clouds and snow; 
He who surpasses or subdues mankind, 

Must look down on the hate of those below, 
Though far above the sun of glory glow, 
And far beneath the earth and ocean spread: 
Ptound him are icy rocks, and loudly blow 
Contending tempests on his naked head, 
And thus reward the toils which to those summits led." 

After the termination of tliis struc^o-le, and the elec- 
tion of Mr. Polk, Mr. Olav received inanv snbstantial 
testimonials of the undiminished recrard and svmpa- 
thy of his friends. In December, 1814, a })ublic 
meeting was held in Richmond, Virginia, wliich 
adopted measures for the erection of a statue to his 
honor, which was to be accomplished solely through 
tlie agency of the kidies of Virginia. The widow of 
Governor Barbour accepted the presidency of the 
association. Addresses were sent to him containing 
sentiments of the profoundest regard and esteem, 
from public meetings convened in New York, jSTew 
Haven, and other leading cities. But the most re- 
markable demonstration of this kind was one which, 
was least expected by him. During the campaign, 
and by various means, his estate had become involved 
to the amount of "fifty thousand dollars. He liad 
mortgaged his lands at Ashland for the payment of 
this sum; and as the day of payment approached, he 
found himself utterly unable to liquidate his enor- 
mous oblio:ations. A number of his friends had as- 
certained these facts, contributed tlie sum privately 
among themselves, and satisfied the mortgage. His 
tirst knowledge of the affair was his receipt of the 



196 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

canceller! obligation ; he was quite overcome by so 
toncliing a proof of tlie devotion f)f his friends, and 
exclaimed: "Had ever any man sucli friends or ene 
mies as Henry Clay !" Several months afterward he 
was presented b}- the gold and silver artificers of the 
city of New York with a silver vase, three feet in 
height, beautifully chased, and appropriately in- 
scribed ; and in November, 1846, a similar compli- 
ment was tendered him by an association of ladies in 
Tennessee. 

Mr. Clay spent the two j^ears which followed this 
memorable campaign in retirement at Ashland. The 
winter months he usually passed at New Orleatis, the 
climate of which was propitious to his health. Du- 
ring this period of retirement, he watched with the 
solicitude of a true patriot the progress of public 
affairs; and regarded with intetise concern the tri- 
umphs and vicissitudes of the American arms then 
invading Mexico. Mr. Clay's son Henry liad aban- 
doned the practice of law, and had taken a commis- 
sion under General Taylor. At length the news 
reached the aged patriot that his son had fallen with 
honor, on the blood-stained field of Buena Vista. 
Soon afterward he received from the commander him- 
self the following letter, officially communicating to 
him the sad intelligence. It was dated March 1st, 
1847: 

"My Dear Sir: You will no doubt have received, 
before this can reach you, the deeply distressing in- 
telliirence of the death of vour son in the battle of 
Buena Vista. It is with no wish of intruding upon 
the saLCtuary of parental sorr'jw, and with nu hope 



I 



OFHENPvYCLAY. 397 

of administering an}' consolation to your wounded 
heart, tliat I Lave taken tlie liberty of addressin^r you 
these few lines; but I have felt it a duty which I owe 
to the memory of the distinguished dead, to pay a 
willing tribute to his many excellent qualities, and 
while my feelings are still fresh, to express the deso- 
lation which his untimely loss, and that of other kin- 
di-ed spirits, have occasioned. 

"I had but a casual acquaintance with your son, 
until he became for a time a member of my military 
family; and I can truly say that no one ever won 
more rapidly upon my regard, or established a more 
lasting claim to my respect and esteem. Manly and 
honorable in every impulse, with no feeling but for 
the honor of tlie service and of the country, he gave 
every assurance that in the hour of need I could leaa 
witli confidence upon his support. IS'or was I disap- 
pointed. Under the guidance of himself and the 
lamented M'Kee, gallantly did the sons of Kentucky, 
in the thickest of the strife, uphold the honor of the 
State and of the country. 

"A grateful people will do justice to the memory 
of those who fell on that eventful day. But I may 
be permitted to express the bereavement which I feel 
in the loss of valued friends. To your son I felt 
bound by the strongest ties of private regard ; and 
when I miss his familiar face, and those of M'Kee 
and Hardin, I can say with truth that I feel no exul- 
tation in our success. 

"With the expression of my deepest and most 
heartfelt sym[)athies for your irreparable loss, I re- 
main your friend." 
17* 



198 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



One of the grounds on wliicli Mr. Cliiy had opposed 
the annexation of Texas, was, that an expensive and 
profitless war with Mexico would be the inevitable 
consequence. His prophecy had been fulfilled ; and 
although victory attended the American arms in every 
stage of their progress, we may readily excuse the 
earnestness with which Mr. Clay condemned a policy 
which, being of so little real benefit to his country, 
had resulted in so serious a calamity to himself. 

During the summer of 1847 Mr. Clay, after solemn 
deliberation, united himself with the Protestant Epis- 
copal Church. This event, so full of interest under 
the peculiar circumstances of the case, and consider- 
ing the chief actor in it, can be best described in the 
language of one whose privilege it was to be present 
on the occasion : 

" Mr. Clay was baptized in the little parlor at Ash- 
land, on Tuesday, the 22d instant, together with one 
of his daughters-in-law (the other being already a 
member of the church) and her four cliildren. b}' the 
Rev. Edward F. Berkley, rector of Christ Church, 
Jjexington. The baptism was administered privately, 
for the reason tliat the C(>n2:re<2^ati()n of Christ Church 
are replacing their old church with a new edifice, 
now in rapid progress of erection, and are not suita- 
bly situated for the most solemn and decent adminis- 
tration of this rite in public. 

"When tlie minister entered the room on this 
deeply .solemn and interesting occasion, the small 
assembly, consisting of the immediate family, a few 
family connections, and the clergyman's wife, rose 






OF HENRY CLAY. J <)9 

up. In the middle of the room stood a large centre- 
table, on which was placed, filled with water, the 
magnificent cut-glass vase presented to Mr. Clay by 
some gentlemen of Pittsburg. On one side of the 
room hung the large picture of the faniih* of 'Wash- 
ington, himself an Episcopalian by birth, by educa- 
tion, and a devout communicant of the Church; and 
immediately opposite, on a side-table, stood the bust 
of the lamented Harrison, with a chaplet of withered 
flowers hung upon his head, who was to have been 
confirmed in the Church the Sabbath after he died — 
fit witnesses of such a scene. Around the room were 
suspended a number of family pictures, and among 
them the portrait of a beloved daughter, who died 
some years ago, in the triumphs of that faith wliich 
her noble father was now about to embrace ; and the 
picture of the late lost son, who fell at the battle of 
Buena Yista. Could these silent lookers-on at the 
scene about transpiring have spoken from the marble 
and the canvas, they would heartily have approved 
the act which dedicated the great man to God." 

During tlie summer which ensued Mr. Clay visited 
the Xorth, spending some weeks at Cape May iov the 
purpose of invigorating his health. He was attended, 
at every stage of his progress, by the enthusiastic 
plaudits of his countrymen, Avhich could not fail to 
be highly gratifying to him. After his return to Ash- 
land, he delivered a speech at Lexington, on the loth 
of November, in reference to the Mexican War, which 
was regarded as one of his ablest efforts. An im- 
mense assemblage of ladies and gentlemen were pre- 



200 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



sent to hear it. Dnrinc: its progress he re-stated liia 
mntiire (»})iiiions in reference to tlje institution of 
slavery, in tlie followiiii^ lanccnaj^^e: 

*'It may be argued that, in admitting the injustice 
of slavery, I admit the necessity of an instantaneous 
reparation of that injustice. Unfortunately, how- 
ever, it is not always safe, practicable, or possible, in 
the great movements of States and public affairs of 
nations, to remed\' or repair the infliction of previous 
injustice. In the inception of it, we may oppose and 
denounce it, by our most strenuous exertions, but, 
after its consummation, there is often no other alter- 
native left us but to deplore its perpetration, and to 
acquiesce, as the only alternative, in its existence, as 
a less evil tban the frightful consequences which 
might ensue from the vain endeavor to repair it. 
Slavery is one of those unfortunate instances. The 
evil of it was inflicted upon us by the parent-country 
of Great Britain, against all the entreaties and re- 
monstrances of the colonies. And here it is amonsf 
and annd us, and we must dispose of il as best we 
can under all the circumstances which sunound us. 
It continued, by the importation of slaves from 
Africa, in spite of colonial resistance, for a period of 
more than a century and a half, and it may require 
an equal or longer lapse of time before our country 
is entirely rid of the evil. And, in the meantime, 
moderation, prudence, and discretion, among our- 
selves, and the blessings of Pi'ovidence, may be all 
necessary to accoinplish our ultimate deliverance from 
it. Examples of similar infliction of irreparable na- 



OF IIENKY CLAY. 201 

tional evil and ijijnstice nnght be nuiltiplied to nii 
indefinite extent. The case of the annexation of 
Texas to the United States is a recent and an obvious 
one, which, if it were wrong, can not now be re- 
paired. Texas is now an integral part of our Union, 
with its own voluntary consent. Many of us opposed 
the annexation witli lionest zeal and most cai'nt'^t 
exertions. But who would now think of |>L'r})eti'atiiig 
the follv of castino: Texas out of the confederacy, and 
throwing her back upon her o\^'n independence, or 
into the arms of Mexico? AVho would now seek to 
divorce her from this Union ? The Creeks and the 
Cherokee Indians were, by the most exceptioiuihle 
means, driven from their cou)>try, and transported 
beyond the Mississippi river. Their lands have been 
fairly purchased and occupied by inhabitants of 
Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee. Who 
would now conceive the flagrant injustice of expel- 
ling those inhabitants and restorini^ the Indian coun- 
try to the Cherokees and the Creeks, under color of 
repairing the original injustice?" 

Durinw; the winter of 1847-48, Mr. Clav was in- 
duced to visit Washington, at the calh' of professional 
business; and it was on this occasion that he made 
his memorable speech before the American Coloniza- 
tion Society. He also argued an important lawsuit in 
the Su|.)reme Court of the United States, — that of 
AVilliam Houston vs. the Bank of New Orleans. In 
both of these efforts he displayed his usual and pris- 
tine ability, and though seventy-one years of <^fre, ex- 
hibited no diminution of his intellectual vigo. ^»ib- 



'20-2 



T II K LIFT, AND TIMES 



seqiiently lie extciulod his jonniey to Baltimore, 
Pliiladeli)liia, and Kew York, by special request and 
invitation ; and was everywhere greeted as a national 
favorite and benefactor. In all these cities immense 
multitudes crowded the streets to behold and applaud 
the veteran statesman ; while public banquets and 
receptions without number were tendered to bim. 



OF HENRY CLAY. 203 



CHAPTER XIY. 

Tf ' POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1848 — WISHES OF MR. CLAY's FRIENDS— 
NOMINATION OF GENERAL TAYLOR FOR THE PRESIDENCY — HIS ELEC- 
H'lOX — MR. CLAY RE-ELECTED TO THE U. S. SENATE — HIS LETTER IN 
REFERENCE TO THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN KENTUCKY — ITS RE- 
SULTS — COMPROMISE MEASURES OF 1850 THEIR IMPORT — MR. 

clay's EFFORTS IN FAVOR OF THEM — OPPOSITION OF BOTH NORTH- 
ERN AND SOUTHERN SENATORS — THEIR ULTIMATE DEFEAT. 

In June, 1848, the Whig ]^ational Convention con- 
v^ aed in Philadelphia for the purpose of nominating 
a *.andidate for the Presidency. So strong was the 
hi Id which Mr. Clay had secured upon the admiration 
o/ the nation, and on the partiality of the party to 
w lich he belonged, that, notwithstanding the repeated 
djfeats which he had experienced in the preceding 
Presidential campaigns, there was a large proportion 
of the party in favor of his renomination ; who were 
disposed to enter for the fourth time upon the struggle 
to elevate him to that exalted post of which he was 
more worthy, and for the performance of the duties 
of which he was more competent, than any other 
man then living in the nation. His onl}^ rival on this 
oecasion was General Zachary Taylor, the hero of the 
Mexican War; who had gained great popularity by 
his several victories in that contest, which had been 
achieved under the most disadvantageous circum- 
Btances. 



204 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

It soon bocnme nppareiit that General Taylor \Aaa 
regarded l»v the Convention as the more avaihible 
candidate of tlie two; and when the Kentuck}' dele- 
ctation o-ave a majority ()f their votes in favor of the 
military hen^, the friends of Mr. Clay at once aban- 
doned all h(^pe of lis nomination. At the first ballot 
the vote stood, for Mr. Clav, ninetv-seven, for Gene- 
ral Taylor, a hnndred and eleven, for General Scott, 
forty-three. Succeeding ballots followed with vary- 
iiiL'* numbers, until upon the fourth, General Taylor 
received a hundred and seventy-one, which gave him 
the nomination. The conqueror ofBuena Vista became 
President of the United States, and Millard Fillmore, 
Vice-President. AVhen the Legislature of Kentucky 
convened in December, 1848, Mr. Clay was again 
chosen unanimously to represent that Commonwealth 
in the Senate of the United States, to serve six years 
from the 4th of March, 1849. On that dav the new^ 
President entered upon his term of office, and lived 
to perform its functions only during a few months. 

It must liave been with singular and perhaps 
mingled emotions, that Mr. Clay resumed Ids seat in 
that bodv, of which he had taken liis solemn farewell 
seven 3'ears before; then confichntly expecting never to 
return to it. Forty -three years had elapsed since the 
day when, in the strength and vigor of his majestic 
manhood, he had first entered it; and in all the great 
scenes of intellectual conflict and glory which had 
transpired there during the interval, he had taken a 
prominent and distinguished part. He returned to the 
arena of his triumphs with powers still undimmed ])y 
the lapse of years ; and gave proofs during the pro- 



OF HENRY CLAY. 205 

gress of this, Lis last term of public service, that liis 
was still the same gigantic mind and consummate 
powers which had, during so many years, elicited the 
a[)phuise and promoted the interests of his coun- 
trvmen. 

In 1849 the citizens of Kentucky held a Conven- 
tion for the purpose of revising their State Constitu- 
tion. One of the most important subjects which 
engaged their attention was that of domestic slavery. 
There was a large party in the State who were in 
favor of adopting some plan for the gradual removal 
of an institution which they regarded either as unjust 
and repugnant to the natural rights of man, or as 
injuricus to the interests of tlie white popuhition. 
Mr. Clay was one of those who was in favor of the 
gradual abolition of slavery, in view of both conside- 
ratiojis. He thought that the time had arrived when, 
by the proposed amendment of the State Constitution, 
an opportunity was given for that purpose, to intro- 
duce provisions in it which would prevent shivery 
from being perpetual in the State, and which would 
result in its gradual, safe, and effectual su[)pression. 
He therefore determined to embrace the opportunity 
to aid in attaining that great and benelicent result; 
and he set forth his views in a letter which he ad- 
drrssed to a relative and friend, Mr. rindell of Lex- 
ington, with the design that it should be made public, 
and thus intiuence the deliberations of the Constitu- 
tional Convention then in session. This document 
is one of the most remarkable which Air. Clay ever 
produced, displaying the profoundest retiection, the 
most ardent patriotism, the utmost sagacity as a 
18 



206 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

statesman, anrl, wc may add, the most commei /1nl)le 
cbaritv and henevolence. Tlie followincr extracts 
from this celebrated production cannot fail to be ac- 
ceptable to the admirer of the genius and patriotism 
of Mr. Clay. 

" When, on the occasion of the formation of our 
present Constitution of Kentucky, in 1799, the ques- 
tion of the gradual emancipation of slavery in the 
State was aj^itated, its friends had to encounter a 
great obstacle in the fact, that there then existed no 
establi^lied colony to which they could be trans 
ported. Kow, by the successful establishment of 
flourishing colonies on the western coast of Africa, 
that difficulty has been obviated. And I confess that, 
withimt indulging in any undue feelings of supersti- 
tion, it does seem to me tliat it rnav have been anions^ 
the dispensations of Providence to permit the wrongs 
under which Africa has suffered, to be inflicted that 
her children mii!:ht be returned to their orii>:inal home 
civilized and imbued with the benign spirit of Chris- 
tianity, and prepared ultimately to redeem that great 
continent from barbarism and idolatry. 

" Without undertaking to judge for any other 
State, it was, in my opinion, in 1799, that Kentucky 
was in a condition to admit of the gradual emanci- 
pation of her slaves; and how deeply do I lament 
that a system, with that olyect^ had not been then 
established ! If it had been, tlie State would now 
be nearly rid of all slaves. My opinion has never 
changed, and I have frequently publicly expressed it. 
I should be most happy if what was impracticable at 
that epocii could now be accomplished 



OF HENRY CLAY. 207 

"After full and deliberate consideration of the 
Buhject, it appears to me three principles should re^i;-u- 
late the establishment of a system of gradual emanci- 
pation. The Urst is, that it should be slow in its 
operation, cautious, and gradual, so as to occasion no 
convulsion, nor any rash or sudden disturbance in the 
existing habits of society. Second, that, as an indis- 
pensable condition, the emancipated slaves should be 
removed from the State to some colony. And thirdly, 
that the expenses of their transportation to such 
colony, including an outtit for six months after their 
arrival at it, should be defrayed hy a fund to be raised 
from the labor of each freed slave. 

'•xTothing could be more unwise than the imme- 
diate liberation of all the slaves in the State, compre- 
hendii]g both sexes and all ages, from that of tender 
infancy to extreme old age. It would lead to the 
most frightful and fatal consequen(^es. Any great 
change in the condition of society should be marked 
by extreme care and circumspection. The introduc- 
tion of slaves into the colonies was an operation of 
many years' duration ; and the work of their removal 
from the United States can only be effected after the 
lapse of a great length of time. 

''I think that a period should be fixed when all 
born after it should be free at a specified age, all born 
before it remaining slaves for lite. That period I 
would suggest should be 1855, or even 1860; for on 
this and other arrangements of the system, if adopted, 
I incline to a liberal margin, so as to obviate as many 
objections, and to unite as many o[)inions as possi- 
ble. Whether the cotnmencement of the operation 



208 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



(^f tlie system he a little earlier or later, is n(^t so im- 
I)ortaTit as tliat a day should be pernumeiitly ^^./v^t7, 
fVoiii which we could look forward, with contideiiee, 
to the linal tenuination of slavery withiu the limits 
of the Commouwealth. 

" Whatever may be the day fixed, whether 1855 or 
1860, or any other day, all born after it, I suggest, 
should be free at the age of tweuty-iive, but be liable 
afterward to be hired out, under the authoritv of the 
State, for a term, not exceeding three years, in order 
to raise a sum sufficient to pay the expenses of their 
transportation to the cjolony, and to provide them an 
outfit for six months after their arrival there. 

"If the descendants of those who were themselves 
to be free, at the age of twenty-five, were also to be 
considered as slaves until thov attained tlie same ai:;e, 
and this rule were continued indefinitelv as to time, 
it is manifest that slavery would be perpetuated in- 
stead of beitiic terminated. To ^uard jiii-ainst tiiis 
consequence, provisions might be made that the ofi- 
epring of those who were to be free at twenty -five, 
should be free from their births, but u[)on the condi- 
tion that they should be apprenticed until they were 
twenty-one, and be also afterward liat)le to l)e hired 
out, a period not exceeding three years, for the pur- 
pose of raising funds to njeet the expenses to the 
colony and their subsistence for the first six jnonths. 

''The l^ennsylvania system of emancipation fixed 
the period of twenty-eight for the lil)erati()n of tiie 
slaves, and provided, or her courts have since inter- 
preted the system to mean, tliat the issue of all who 
were to be fiee at the limited age, were from their 



I 



A. 



OF HENRY CLAY. 20*^ 

births free. The Pennsylvania system made no pro- 
vision for colonization. 

"Until the commencement of the system which I 
am endeavoring to sketch, I think all the legal righ.8 
of the proprietors of slaves, in their fullest extei t, 
ouglit to remain unimpaired and unrestricted. Coa- 
sequently, they would have the riglit to sell, deviee, 
or remove them from the State, and, in the latter 
case, without their offspring being entitled to the 
benefit of emancipation, for which the system pro- 
vides. 

"The colonization of the free blacks, as they suc- 
cessively arrived, from year to yeai^; at the age etiti- 
tling them to freedom, I consider a condition abso- 
Intcly indispensable. Without it I should be utterly 
opposed to any scheme of emancipation. One hun- 
dred and ninety odd thousand blacks, composing 
about one-fourth of the entire population of the State, 
with their descendants, could never live in peace, 
harmony, and equality, with the residue of the popu- 
lation. The color, passions, and prejudices would 
forever prevent the two races from living together in 
in a state of cordial union. Social, moral, and politi- 
cal degradation would be the inevitable lot of the 
colored race. Even in the free States (I use the 
terms free and slave States not in any sense deroga- 
tory from one class, or implying any snperiority in 
the other, but for the sake of brevity) that is their 
present condition. In some of those free States the 
penal legislation against the people of coh)r is quite 
as severe, if not harsher, than it is in some of the 
slave States. And nowhere in the United States aro 
18* 



I 



210 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

amalgamation and equality between the two races 
possible — it is better that there should be a separa- 
tion, and that the African descendants should be re- 
turned to the native land of their fathers. 

^'It would have been seen that the plan I have 
suggested proposes the annual transportation of all 
born after a specified day, upon their arrival at the 
prescribed age, to the colony which may be selected 
for their destination, and that this process of trans- 
portation is to be continued until the separation of 
the two races is completed. If the emancipated 
slaves were to remain in Kentucky until they attained 
the ao^e of twentv-eio:ht, it would be about thirtv-f air 
years before the first annual transportation begins, if 
the system commence in 1855, and about thirty nine 
years, if its operation begin in 1860. 

" What the number thus to be annually transported 
would be. cannot be precisely ascertained. I observe 
it stated by the auditor, that the increase of slaves in 
Kentucky last year was between three and four thou- 
sand. But as that statement w^as made upon a com- 
parison of the aggregate number of all the slaves in 
the State, without regard to births, it does not, I pre- 
sume, exhibit truly the natural increase, which was 
probably larger. The aggregate was eftected by the 
introduction, and still more by the exportation, of 
slaves. I suppose there would not be less, probably 
more, than five thousand to be transported the first 
year of the operation of the system ; but after it was 
in progress some years, there would be a constant 
diminution of the number. 

*' Would it be practicable annually to transport five 



OF HENRY CLAY. 211 

thousand persons from Kentucky? There cannot be 
a doubt of it — or even a much larger number. We 
receive from Europe annually emigrants to an amount 
exceeding two hundred and fifty thousand, at a cost 
for the passage ot about ten dollars per head, and they 
embark at European ports more distant from the 
United States than the western coast of Africa. It 
is true that the commercial marine employed between 
Europe and the United States affords facilities in the 
transportation of emigrants at that low rate, which 
that engaged in the commerce between Liberia and 
this country does not now supply. But that com- 
merce is increasing, and by the time the proposed 
system, if adopted, would go into operation, it will 
have greatly augmented. If there were a certainty 
of tiie annual transportation of not less than five 
thousand persons to Africa, it would create a demand 
for transports, and the spirit of competition would, I 
have no doubt, greatly diminish the present cost of 
the passage. Tliat cost has been stated, including 
the passage and six months' outfit after the arrival 
of the emigrant in Africa. Whatever may be the 
cost, and whatever the number to be transported, the 
fund to be raised by the hire of the liberated slaves, 
for a period not exceeding three j'ears, will be amply 
sufiicient. The annual liire on the average may be 
estimated at fifty dollars, or one hundred and fifty 
dollars for the whole term. 

"Colonization will be attended with the painful 
effect of the separation of the colonists from their 
parents, and in some instances from their children ; 
but from the latter it will be only temporary, as tney 



212 T II E LI F E AND TIM ES 

will follow and be aL^niii reunited. Tlieir sepnriitiou 
from their parents will not be until after tliey liave 
attained a mature age, nor greater than voluntarily 
takes place with emigrants from Europe, who k-nve 
their parents behind. It will be far less distressing 
than what frequently occurs in the state of slavery, 
and will be attended with the animating encourage- 
ment that the colonists are transferred from a land 
of bondage and degradation, for them, to a land of 
liberty and equality. 

''And the expense of transporting the liberated 
slave to the colony, and of maintaining him there for 
six months, I think ought to be provided for by a 
fund derived from his labor in tlie manner already 
indicated. lie is the party most benefited by eman- 
cipation. It would not be right to suhject the non- 
slaveholder to any part of that expense; and the 
slaveholder will have made sufficient sacrifices, with- 
out being exclusively burdened with taxes to raise 
that fund. The emancipated slaves could be hired 
out for the time proposed, by the sheriff or other pub- 
lic agent in each county, who should be sul)ject to 
strict accountability. And it would be requisite that 
there should be ke[)t a register of all the birtlis of all 
children of color, after the day fixed fi)r the com- 
mencement of the system, enforced by api»ro[.riate 
sanctions. It would be a very desirable regulation of 
law to have births, deaths, and marriages, of tlie whole 
population of the State, registered and preserved, as 
is done in most well-governed States. 

"Amomr other considerations which unite in re- 
commending to the State of Kentucky a system for 



F n E N R Y CLAY. Ij 1 'A 

the o^radnal abolition of slavery, is that arisins: out 
of her exposed condition affording great facilities to 
the escape of her slaves into the free States and into 
Canada. She does not enjoy the security wliich some 
of the slave States have, by being covered in depth 
by two or three slave Stiites intervening between 
them and free States. She has a o-reater leno:th of 
border on free States than any other slave State in 
the Union. That border is the Ohio River, extend- 
ing from the mouth of Big Sandy to the mouth of the 
Ohio, a distance of near six hundred miles, separating 
her from the already powerful and growing States of 
Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. Vast numbers of slaves 
have Hed from most of the counties in Kentucky, 
from tlie mouth of Big Sandy to the mouth of Miami, 
and the evil has increased and is increasino*. At- 
tempts to recover the fugitives lead to most painful 
and irritatiuii' collisions. Hitherto countenance and 
assistance to the fugitives have been chiefly afforded 
by persons in the State of Ohio; but it is to be ap- 
prehended, from tlie progressive opposition to slavery, 
tliat, in process of time, similar facilities to the escape 
of slaves would be found in the States of Indiana and 
Illinois. By means of railroads, Canada can be 
reached from Cincinnati in a little more than twentj-- 
four hours. 

"In the event of a civil war breaking out, or in the 
more dreadful event of a dissolution of the Union in 
consequence of the existence of slaver}', Kentucky 
would become the theatre and bear the brunt of the 
war. She would doubtless defend herself \\ith her 
known valor and gallantry ; but the superiority of 



214 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

the numbers by which she would be opposed would 
lay waste and devastate her fair fields. Iler feister 
slave States would fly to her succor; but even if 
they should be successful in the unequal conflict, she 
never could obtain any indemnity for the inevitable 
ravas^es of the war. . 

"It may be urged that we ought not, by the gra- 
dual abolition of slavery, to separate ourselves from 
the other slave States, but continue to share with 
them in all their future fortunes. The power of each 
slave State, within its limits, over the institution of 
slavery, is absolute, supreme, and exclusive — exclu- 
sive of that of Congress or that of any other State. 
The government of each slave State is bound by the 
highest and most solemn obligation to dispose of the 
question of slavery, so as best to promote the peace, 
happiness, and prosperity of the people of the State. 
Kentucky being essentially a farming State, slave 
labor is less profitable. If, in most of the other slave 
States, they find that labor more profitable, in the 
culture of the staples of cotton and sugar, they may 
perceive a reason in that feeling for continuing slavery 
which cannot be expected should control the judg- 
ment of Kentucky, as to what may be fitting and 
proper for her interests. If she should abolish sla- 
very, it would be her duty, and I trust that she would 
be as ready, as she now is, to defend the slave States 
in the enjoyment of all their lawful and constitutional 
rights. Her power, political and physical, would be 
greatly increased ; for one hundred and ninety odd 
thousand slaves and their descendants would be gra- 
dually superseded by an equal number of white in- 



OF H E N K Y CLAY. 215 



v> 



habitants, who would be estimated per capita, and 
not by the Federal rule of three-fifths prescribed for 
the colored race in the Constitution of the United 
States. 

*' I have thus, without reserve, freely expressed my 
opinion and presented my views. The interesting 
subject of which I have treated would have admitted 
of much enlargement, but I have desired to consult 
brevity. The plan which I have proposed will 
hardly be accused of being too early in its commence- 
ment, or too rapid in its operation. It will be more 
likely to meet with contrary reproaches. If adopted, 
it is to begin tbirty-four or thirty-nine j-ears from the 
time of its adoption, as the one period or the other 
shall be selected for its comrhencement. How long 
a time it will take to remove all the colored race from 
the State, by the annual transportation of each year's 
natural increase, cannot be exactly ascertained. After 
the system had been in operation some 3'ears, I think 
it probable, from the manifest blessings that would 
iiow from it, from the diminished value of slave labor, 
and from the humanity and benevolence of private 
individuals prompting a liberation of their slaves and 
their transportation, a general disposition would exist 
to accelerate and complete the work of colonization." 
The prudent and mature opinions thus expressed 
by Mr. Clay in reference to the subject of slavery, 
proved to be too radical and precipitate for the nui- 
ioritv of the deleo^ates in the Convention ; and thev 
were not adopted and realized. The utterance of 
them, however, on his part, demonstrated the interest 
which he took in the subject, and his desire to ad- 



216 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

vance the interests of his constituents. It was a 
worthy prelude to liis last, and one of his greatest 
efforts in the United States Senate, to promote the 
glorious cause of rational liherty, by his memorable 
Compromise Measures of 1850. 
V In January of that year Mr. Clay rose in the 
Senate, and introduced his plan for the adjustment of 
the differences which existed, and which then already 
agitated the whole nation, in reference to the organi- 
zation of the Territories, and the future prohibition 
of slavery in them. His immediate purpose was to 
exclude slavery from all the Territories acquired by 
the United States by the treaty with Mexico; and also 
to exclude it from New Mexico, should the jurisdic- 
tion of Texas over that Territor}^ ever afterward 
tend to its introduction there. In introducin^r his 
resolutions l^lv. Clay accompanied them by an ahle 
speech, the tenor and spirit of which may be inferred 
from the ensuing extracts. The preamble and first 
resolution were as follows: 

*'It being desirable for the peace, concord, and 
harmony of the union of these States, to settle and 
adjust amicabl}' all existing questions of controversy 
between them arisins; out of the institution of sla- 
very, upon a fair, equitable, and just basis : Therefore, 

"1st. Resolved, That California, with suitable 
boundaries, ought, upon her a|)[)lication, to be ad- 
mitted as one of the States of this Union, without tlie 
imposition by Congress of any restriction in ajiy re- 
spect to the exclusion or introduction of slavery 
within those boundaries. 

'*Mr. Prctideut, it must be acknowledged that 



OF HENRY CLAY. 217 

there Las been some irrci2:ularitv in the movenicntg 
which have terminated in the adoption of a Constitu- 
tion b}' California, and in the expression of lier wish, 
not yet fornuilly communicated to Congress, it is true, 
but which may be anticipated in a few days, to be ad- 
mitled into the Union as a State. Tliere has been some 
irreirnhiritv in the manner in which they have framed 
that Constitution. It was not preceded by any act 
of ContJ^ress authorizing^ tlie Convention, and desic:- 
nating tlie boundaries of the proposed State, accord- 
ing to all the early practice of this Government, ac- 
cording to all the cases of the admission of new States 
into this Union, which occurred, I think, prior to that 
of Michio^an. Michio'an, if I am not mistaken, was 
the tirst State which, unbidden, unauthorized by any 
previous act of Congress, undertook to form for her- 
self a Constitution, and to knock at the door of C«.)n- 
gress, for admission into the Union. I recollect that 
at the time when Michigan thus jiresented herself, I 
was opposed, in consequence of that deviation from 
the early practice of the Government, to the admis- 
sion. The majority determined otherwise; and it 
must be in candor adniitted by all men, that Cali- 
fornia lijis much more reason to do what she has 
done, unsanctioned and unauthorized by a pi'evi(^u3 
act ot'Coni^ress, than Michio^iin had to do what she did. 
"Sir, n* twithstanding the irrciiularity of the ad- 
mission of ^lichigan into the Union, it has been a 
happy event. She forms now one of the bright stars 
of this glorious confederacy. She has sent here to 
mingle in our councils Senators and Representatives 
— men emiueutly distinguished, with whom we may 



218 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



all associate with pride, with pleasure, and with sat- 
isfaction. And I trust that if California, irregular as 
her previous action may have been in the adoption 
of a Constitution, but more justifiable than was the 
action of Michiiran — if she also shall be admitted, as 
is pn^posed by this first resolution, with suitable 
limits, that she, too, will make her contribution of 
wisdom, of patriotism, and of good feeling to this 
body, in order to conduct the affairs of this great and 
boundless empire. 

"The resolution proposes her admission when she 
applies for it. There is no intention on my part to 
anticipate such an application, but I thought it right 
to present this resolution as a part of the general 
plan which I propose for the adjustment of these un- 
happy difficulties. 

''The second resolution, sir, is as follows: 

" 2d. Resolved, That as slavery does not exist by 
law, and is not likelv to be introduced into anv of 
the territory acquired by the United States from the 
Eepublic of Mexico, it is inexpedient for Congress to 
provide by law either for its introtluction into or ex- 
clusion from anv part of the said territorv ; and that 
ap[)ro[)riate territorial governments ought to be esta- 
blished by Congress in all of the said territory, not 
assigned as the boundaries of the proposed State of 
California, without the adoption of any restriction or 
condition on the subject of slavery. 

''This resolution, sir, proposes, in the first instance, 
a declaration of tw(~> truths, one of law and the other 
of fact. The truth of law which it declares is, that 
there does not exist at this time, slavery within any 



OF HENRY CLAY. 219 

portion of the ten^tory acquired by the United States 
from Mexico. When I say, sir, it is a truth, I speak 
mv own solemn and deliberate conviction. I am 
;iware that some s^entlemen have held a different 
doctrine; but I i)ersuade myself that they themselves, 
when they come to review the whole ground, will'see 
sufficient reasons for a change, or at least a modifica- 
tion of their opinions; but tliat, at all events, if they 
adhere to that doctrine, they will be found to compose 
a very small minority of the whole mass of the peo- 
ple of the United States. 

*'The next truth which the resolution asserts is, 
that slavery is not likely to be introduced into any 
portion of that territory. That is a matter of fact; 
and all the evidence upon Avhich the fact rests, is per- 
haps as accessible to other Senators as it is to me; 
but I must say that, from all I have heard or read, 
from the testimony of all the witnesses I have seen 
and conversed with, from all that has transpired and 
is transpiring, I do believe that not within one foot 
of the territory acquired by us from Mexico will sla- 
very ever be planted, and I believe it could not be 
done even by the force and power of public authority. 

" Sir, facts are daily occurring to justify me in this 
opinion. Sir, what has occurred? And upon that 
subject, and indeed upon this whole sulyect, I invite 
Senators from the free States especially to consider 
what has occurred even since the last session — even 
since the commencement of this session — since they 
left their respective constituencies, without an oppor- 
tunity of consulting with them upon that great and 
momentous fact — the fact that California herself, of 



220 THE L T F K AND TIMES 

which it was asserted and predicted that she never 
would estahlisli slavery within licr limits when she 
came to he admitted as a State; that California her- 
self, emhracins:, of all other portions of the country 
acquired hy us from jNIexico, that country into which 
it would have heen most likely that slavery should 
have heen introduced; that California herself has met 
in convention, and l\v a nnanimoos vote, emhracing 
in that bodv slaveholders from the State of Missis- 
sippi, as well as from other parts, who concurred in 
the res(^lution — that California hv a nnanimous vote, 
has declared ao^ainst the introduction of slavcTv within 
her limits. I think, then, that taking this leading 
fact in connection with all the evidence we have from 
other sources on the suhject, I am warranted in the 
conclusion which constitutes the second truth which 
I have stated in this resolution, that slavery is 'not 
likely to be introduced into any of the territory ac- 
quired by us from Mexico.' 

"Sir, the latter part of the resolution asserts that 
it is the duty of Congress to establish appropriate 
territorial trovernments within all the country acquired 
from Mexico, exclusive of California, not embracing 
in the acts by which these governments shall be con- 
stituted, either a prohibition or an admission of slavery. 

"Sir, much as I am dis[)Osed to defer to liigh au- 
thority, anxious as I really am to lind myself in a 
position that would enable me to co-operate heartily 
with the other departments of the Gcvernment in 
ci)nducting the affairs of this great people, I must say 
that I cannot without a dereliction of duty consent to 
an abandonment of -them without government, leav- 



OF HENRY CLAY. 22] 

ing them to all those scenes of disorder, confusion, 
and anarchy, which, I apprehend, in rcjspect of some 
of thetn, tliere is too much reason to anticipate will 
arise. It is tlie duty, tlie solemn — I was goinir to add 
the most sacred — duty of Congress to legi>L^te for 
their government, if they can, and, at all events, to 
legislate for them, and to give them the benefit of 
law and order, and securitv. 

"The next resolutions are the third and fourth, 
uhich, having an immediate connection with each 
other, should be read and considered together. They 
are as follows : 

"3d. R(^solved^ That the western boundary of the 
State of Texas ought to be fixed on the Rio del Xorte, 
commencing one marine league from its moutli, and 
running up that river to the southern line of New 
Mexico; thence with that line eastwardly, and so 
continuing in the same direction to the line established 
between the United States and S])ain, exchiding any 
portion of New Mexico, whether lying on the east or 
west of that river. 

"4ih. Resolved, That it be proposed to the State 
of Texas, that the United States will provide for the 
payment of all that portion of tlie legitimate and bona 
fide public debt of that State, contracted pi'ior to its 
annexation to the United States, and for which tlie 
duties on foreign imports were pledged by the said 
State to its creditors, not exceedinc: the sum of 

% , in consideration of the said dues so i)ledo'ed 

having been no longer ap})licable to that object after 
tlie said annexation, but having thenceforward become 
payab.e to the United States; and upon the condition 
19* 



222 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

also, that the said State of Texas shall, h}^ some so- 
lemn and authentic act of her Legislature, or of a 
Convention, relinquish to the United States any claim 
which it has to any part of New Mexico. 

"Mr. President, I do not mean now, I do not know 
that I shall at any time (it is a very complex suhject, 
and one not free from difficulty) to go into the ques- 
tion of what are the true limits of Texas. Mv own 
opinion is, I must say, without intending by the re- 
mark to go into any argument, that Texas has not a 
good title to any portion of what is called IsTew Mex- 
ico. And yet, sir, I am free to admit that, looking at 
the grounds which her representatives assumed,. first 
in the ^^•arwith Santa Anna in 1836, then at what trans- 
pi red between Mr. Trist and the Mexican negotiators 
when the treaty of peace was negotiated, and then the 
fact that ihe United States bave acquired all the coun- 
try which Texas claimed as constituting a portion of 
her territory ; looking at all these facts, but without 
attaching to them, either together or separately, the 
same decree of force which o^entlemen who think that 
Texas has a right to New Mexico do, I must say that 
there is plausibility, to say the least of it, in the pre- 
tensions that she sets up to New Mexico. I do not 
think that they constitute or demonstrate the existence 
of a good title, but a plausible one. Well, then, sir, 
what do I propose? Without entering into any in- 
quiry whether the Nueces or the Rio Grande was the 
true boundary of Texas, I propose, by the first of 
these two resolutions, that its western limits shall be 
fixed on the Rio del Norte, extending west from the 
Sabine to the mouth of the Rio del Norte, and that 



OF HENRY CLAY. 



223 



it shall follow up the Bravo or the Tvio del Xorte, to 
where it strikes the southern line of New Mexico, 
and then, diveriring from that line, follow on in that 
direction until it reaches the line as fixed hv the 
United States and Spain, by their treaty of 1819; and 
thus embracing a vast country, abundantly competent 
to form two or three States — a country which I think 
the highest ambition of her greatest men ought to be 
satisfied with as a State and member of this Union. 

** The fifth resolution, sir, and the sixth, like the 
third and fourth, are somewhat connected together. 
They are as follows: 

*' 5th. Resolved^ That it is inexpedient to abolish 
slavery in the District of Columbia, whilst that insti- 
tution continues to exist in tlie State of Maryland, 
without tlie consent of that State, without the consent 
of tlie people of the District, and without just com- 
pensation to the owners of slaves within the District. 

"6th. But Resolved^ That it is expedient to pro- 
hibit within the District the slave-trade, in slaves 
brought into it from States or places beyond the limits 
of the District, either to be sold therein as merchan- 
dise, or to be transported to other markets, without 
the District of Columbia. 

"The first of these resolutions, Mr. President, in 
somewhat difierent lanonu^i^e, asserts substantially no 
other principle than that which was asserted by the 
Senate of the United States twelve years ago, upon 
resolutions which I tlien ofi'ered, and which passed — 
at least the particular resolution passed — by a majo- 
rity of four-fifths of the Senate. I allude to the reso- 
lution presented by me in 1838. I shall not enlarge 



224 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

on that resolution ; it speaks for itself; it declares 
that the institution of slavery should not be aholiahed 
in the District of Columbia without the concurrence 
of three conditions; tirst, the assent of ^farvland , 
second, the assent of the people within the District: 
and third, compensation to the owners of the slaves 
witliin the District for their property. 

"The next resolution pro[»osed deserves a passing 
remark. It is that tlie slave-trade within the District 
ought to be abolished, prohibited. I do not mean by 
that the alienation and transfer of slaves from the in- 
habitants v/ithin this District — the sale by one neigh- 
bor to another of a slave which the one owns and the 
other wants, that a husband may perhaps be put 
along with his wife, or a wife with her husband. J. 
do not mean to touch at all the question of the right 
of property in slaves among persons living within the 
District; but the slave-trade to which I refer was, I 
think, pronounced an abomination more than f >rty 
years ago, by one of tlie most gifted and distin.guished 
sons of Virginia, the late Mr. Randolph. And who 
is there who is not shocked at its enormitv? Sir, it 
is a great mistake at the North, if they suppose that 
gentlemen living in the slave States look upon one 
who is a regular trader in slaves with any particular 
favor or kindness. They are often — sometimes un- 
justly, perhaps — excluded from social intercourse. I 
have known some memorable instances of this sort. 
But, then, what is this trade ? It is a good deal 
limited since the retrocession of that portion of the 
District formerly beloni^ino; to VirLcinia. There are 
Alexandria, Richmond, Petersburg, and Norfolk, 



OF HENRY CLAY. 225 

south of the Potomac, and Baltimore, Annapolis, 
and perhaps other ports, north of the Potomac. Lei 
the slave-dealer, who chooses to collect his slaves in 
Virginia and iMaryland, go to these places; let liim 
not come here and establish his jails, and put on his 
chains, and sometimes shock the sensibilities of our 
nature by a long train of slaves passing through that 
avenue leading from this Capitol to the house of the 
Chief Magistrate of one of the most glorious repub- 
lics that ever existed. Why should he not do it? 
Sir, I am sure I speak the sentiments of every South- 
ern man, and everv man comino: from the slave States, 
when I say let it terminate, and that it is an abomi- 
nation ; and there is no occasion for it; it ought no 
longer to be tolerated. 

''The seventh resolution relates to a subject em- 
braced in a bill now under consideration by the Sen- 
ate. It is as follows : 

"7th. Resolved^ That more effectual provision 
ought to be made by law, according to the require- 
ment of the Constitution, for tlie restitution and de- 
livei-y of persons bound to service or labor in any 
State who may escape into any other State or Terri- 
tory in the Union. 

"Sir, that is so evident, and has been so clearly 
shown by the debate which has already taken place 
on the subject, that I have not now occasion to add 
another word. 

" The last resolution of the series of eight is as 
follows : 

"And 8th. Resolvedy That Congress has no power 
to prohibit or obstruct the trade in tilaves between the 

P 



226 TUB LIFE AND TIMES 

slaveholrling States; but that the admission or excln- 
sion of shives brought from one into another of them, 
depends exclusively upon their own particular laws. 

*'It is obvious that no legislation is necessary or 
intended to follow that resolution. It merely asserts 
a truth, established by the highest authority of law^ in 
this country ; and, in conformity with that decision, I 
trust there will be one universal acquiescence. 

"I should not have thought it necessary to embrace 
in that resolution the declaration which is embraced 
in it, but that I thought it might be useful in treating 
of the whole subject, and in accordance with the 
practice of our British and American ancestors, occa- 
sionally to resort to great fundamental principles, 
and bring them freshly and manifestly before our 
eyes, from time to time, to avoid their being violated 
upon any occasion. 

" Mr. President, you have before you the whole 
series of resolutions, the whole scheme of arrange- 
ment and accommodation of these distracting ques- 
tions, which I have to offer, after having bestowed on 
these subjects the most anxious, intensely anxious, 
consideration ever since I have been in this body. 
How far it may prove acceptable to both or either of 
the parties on these great questions, it is not for me 
to say. I think it ought to be acceptable to both. 
There is no sacrifice of any principle proposed in any 
of them, by either party. The plan is founded upon 
mutual forbearance, originating in a spirit of concili- 
ation and concession ; not of principles, but of mat- 
ters of feeling. At the jSTorth, sir, I know that from 
feeling, by many at least cherished as being dictated 



OP HENRY CLAY. 227 

by considerations of humanity and philanthropy, 
there exists a sentiment adverse to the institution of 
slavery." 

The Compromise Measures thus proposed and de- 
fended by Mr. Clay, were discussed with great ability 
and zeal by tiie leading members of the Senate. 
They were opposed both by J^orthern and Southern 
Senators, on difierent grounds, but with equal ear- 
nestness. Mr. Clay replied to all their arguments 
with much ability ; the splendors of his mellifluous 
eloquence still shone forth, as in the olden time, and 
charmed and delighted those unbending opponents 
whose opinions he could not change, whose votes he 
could not control. A committee was at length ap- 
pointed, on the 14th of February, for the purpose of 
maturing some plan of compromise more acceptable 
to the majority than Mr. Clay's resolutions; and he 
was appointed Chairman. On the 8th of May he 
ofiered an elaborate report from the majority of the 
committee, which differed in some essential respects 
from those originally offered by him. Its propositions 
were as follows: 

"1. The admission of any new State or States 
formed out of Texas to be postponed until they shall 
hereafter present themselves to be received into the 
Union, when it will be the duty of Congress fairly 
and faithfully to execute the compact with Texas, by 
admitting such new State or States with or without 
slavery, as they shall by their Constitutions determine. 

*'2. The admission forthwith of California into the 
Union, with tlie boundaries which she has proposed. 

"3. The establishment of territorial governmenta 



228 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

without the Wilmot Proviso for Xew ^lexico and 
Utah, embracing all the Territory reccnth' acquired 
by the United States from Mexico, not contained in 
the boundaries of California. 

*'4. The combination of these two last-mentioned 
measares in the same bill. 

"5. The establishment of the western and north 
ern boundary of Texas, and the exclusion from her 
jurisdiction of all New Mexico, with the grant to 
Texas of a pecuniary equivalent; and the section for 
that purpose to be incorporated into the bill admit- 
ting California, and establishing territorial govern- 
ments for Utah and New Mexico. 

*' 6. More eifectual enactments to secure the prompt 
delivery of persons bound to service or labor in one 
State, under the laws tliereof, who escape into an- 
other State. And, 

''7. Abstaining from abolishing slavery ; but, under 
a heavy penalty, prohibiting the slave-trade iii the 
District of Columbia." 

The debate which ensued in the discusion of these 
measures, was one of the longest and fiercest which 
has ever occurred in the annals of Federal legislation. 
It continued during nearly three months. Till the 
last, Mr. Clay defended his policy with heroic reso- 
lution ; but all was in vain. Various amendments 
were successively^ introduced, and passed, which 
stripped the bill of nearly all its original features; 
and the onl^- clause which remained unaltered was 
one providinf^ for the ors^anization of the territorv of 
Utah. Thus ended the celebrated Compromise Mea- 
sures proposed by Mr. Chiy in 1850 



OF HENRY CLAY. 229 



CHAPTEE XY. 

MR. clay's views OF THE TARIFF OF 1846 THE HARBOR AND RIVER 

BILL — MR. clay's INTEREST IN ITS PASSAGE — TACTICS OF THE OPPO- 
SITION — MR. clay's APPEALS ON THE SUBJECT — ULTIMATE DEFEAT 
OF THE BILL — MR. CLAY's LAST VISIT TO ASHLAND — HIS RETURN TO 
WASHINGTON — HIS INTERVIEW VTITII KOSSUTH — HIS LAST SICKNESS 
HIS DEATH — THAT EVENT ANNOUNCED IN CONGRESS. 

Though the burden of years had now accumuhited 
heavily on the shoulders of Mr. Clay, he nevertheless 
exhibited his usual energy and interest in public 
ati'airs. After the defeat of his Compromise Mea- 
sures in 1850, h^ visited his home and family in Ken- 
tucky ; and returned to Washington on the 15th of 
December, a few days after the opening of the second 
session of the Thirty-first Congress. At this peiiod 
he felt an earnest desire to have the Tarifi' of 1846 
revised and amended, in order ihat greater protection 
might thereby be given to American manufactures. 
On the 23d of that month he presented some petitions 
on the subject to the Senate, and accompanied them 
with an earnest and practical argument. 

But the last measure of importance in which the 
veteran statesman took an active part, was the bill 
making a[)pro[»riations for the improvement of cer- 
tain harbors and rivers, which had passed the House 
of Representatives, and was sent into the Senate for 
20 



230 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

its approval. The bill was referred to the Committee 
on Commerce, and reported back without any amend- 
ment. It was on the 1st of March, 1851, and on]y 
three days of the session remained. It was therefore 
necessary that it should pass at once, if passed at all ; 
inasmuch as the appropriations for the civil and diplo- 
matic service, and other necessary measures, would 
occup}^ nearly all the remaining short interval. The 
river and harbor bill was regarded as a party measure, 
introduced, supported, and approved by the Whigs; 
the Democratic Senators, therefore, resolved to defeat 
it, by that species of tactics well known to delibera- 
tive assemblies under such circumstances; to wit, the 
wasting of all the time of the session in protracted 
speeches, innumerable amendments, and reiterated 
and endless debate, by the party in the minority. 

Mr. Clay felt a deep interest in the passage of this 
bill, which seemed to him highly promotive of the 
interests of the cour.trv. The motion to discuss the 
bill having passed, Mr. Davis of Massachusetts com- 
menced the argument by a brief speech in its favor. 
Mr. Clemens of Alabama responded, and the purpose 
of the opposition members at once became apparent. 
Mr. Clay arose and earnestly protested against such a 
policy, and proceeded to demonstrate the advantage 
and necessity of passing the bill. Said he: 

" Sir, I have risen to say to the friends of this bill, 
that if they desire it to pass, I trust they will vote 
with me against all amendments, and come to as 
speedy and rapid action as possible. Under the idea 
of an amendment, you will gain nothing. I think it 
likely there are some items that should not be in the 



O F H E N R Y C L A Y . '2:\\ 

bill; aud can yon expect in any human work, whe'-o 
there are forty or lifty items to bo passed upon, lo 
find perfection ? If you do, you expect what never 
was done, and what you will never see. I shall vote 
for the bill for the sake of the good that is in it, and 
not against it on account of the bad it happens to 
contain. I am willing to take it as a man takes his 
wife, *for better, for worse,' believino: we shall be 
much more happy with it than without it. 

'*An honoral)le Senator has gotten up and told us 
that here is an appropriation of $2,300,000. Do you 
not recollect that for the last four or five years there 
have been no appropriations at all upon this subject? 
Look at the ordinary appropriation in 1837 of 
$1,307,000 ; for it is a most remarkable fact that 
those administrations most hostile to the doctrine of 
internal improvements, have been precisely those in 
which the most lavish expenditures have been made. 
Thus we are told, this morning, that there were five, 
six, or eight hundred thousand dollars durins: Gene- 
ral Jackson's administration, and $1,300,000 during 
the first year of Mr. Van Buren's. ]S"ow, tliere has 
been no appropriation during the last three or four 
years, and, in consequence of this delinquency and 
neglect on the part of Congress heretofore, because 
some $2,300,000 are to be appropriated by this bill, 
we are to be startled by the financial horrors and dif- 
ficulties which have been presented, and driven from 
the duty which we ought to pursue. With regard to 
the appropriations made for that portion of the coun- 
try from which I come — the great Valley of the Mis- 
•^issippi — I will say that we are a reasoning people, a 






THE LIFE AND TIMES 



feeling people, and a contrasting people; and liow 
Jong will it be before the people of this vast valley 
will rise eri masse and trample down your little hair- 
Bplitting distinctions about what is national, and 
demand what is just and fair, on the part of this 
Government, in relation to their great interests? 
The Mississippi, with all its tributaries — the Eed, 
"Wabash, Arkansas, Tennessee, and Ohio rivers — 
constitute a part of a great system, and if that system 
be not national, I should like to know one that is 
national. We are told here that a little work, great 
in its value, one for which I shall vote with great 
pleasure — the breakwater in the little State of Dela- 
-vs'are — is a great national work, while a work which 
has for its object the improvement of that vast system 
of rivers which constitute the Valley of the Missis- 
sippi, which is to save millions and millions of pro- 
perty and many human lives, is not a work to be 
done, because it Is not national! Why, look at the 
appropriations. Here was our young sister, Cali- 
fornia, admitted but the other day ; $1,500,000 for a 
bjtsin there to improve her facilities, and how much 
more f«»r custom houses? Four or ^ve hundred 
thousand dollars more in that single State for two 
objects than the totality of the sum proposed to be 
appropriated here. ;Around the margin of the coast 
of the Atlantic, the Mexican Gulf, and the Paciti<? 
coast, everywhere we pour out, in boundless and an 
measured streams, the treasure of the United States. 
but none to the interior of the West, the Valley of tin* 
Mississippi — every cent is contested and denied foi* 
that object. /Will not our people draw the contrast/ 



OF HENRY CLAY. 233 

Talk about commerce ! we have all sorts of com- 
merce. I have no hesitation in savin «: that the do- 
mestic commerce of the Lakes and the Vallev of the 
Mississippi, is greatly superior in magnitude and im- 
portance to all the foreign commerce of the country, 
for which these vast expenditures are made. Sir, I 
call upon the Northwestern Senators, upon \yestern 
Senators, upon Eastern Senators, upon Senators tVcm 
all quarters of the Union, to recollect that we arc 
parts of one common country, and that we cannot 
endure to see, from month to month, from day to day, 
in consequence of the existence of snags in the Mis- 
sissippi, which can be removed at a trifling expense, 
hundreds of lives and millions of property destroyed, 
in consequence of the destruction of the boats navi- 
gating these rivers, for the want of some little appli- 
cation of the means of our common Government." 

Notwithstanding Mr. Clay's earnest appeal to the 
opposing Senators to permit the bill to be voted 
upon, they persisted in the policy which they had 
begun. Messrs. Foote, Gwin, Butler, Bradbury, Hun- 
ter, Soule, and others, were delivered of protracted 
arguments on the subject; a number of amendments 
were oflered, discussed, and then withdrawn; the 
yeas and nays were repeatedly called for and reca- 
pitulated ; until at length the session expired, with- 
out a final voie having been reached. This was, in 
fact, the virtual death and defeat of the measure. 

After the adjournment of Congress, Mr. Clay again 

returned to Kentucky. He spent the summer at 

Ashland, surrounded by his friends and relatives. 

His health still remained good, although the general 

20* 



•-'-54 T H K LIFE AND TIMES 

vioror of his constitution was evidently failins:. The 
ajred patriot nevertheless prepared, as the openinjr of 
the ensuinc^ session approached, to return to Wash- 
in s^ton, and resume his duties as Senator from Ken- 
tucky. He bade adieu to his home and family — it 
jjroved to he his last farewell — and reached the 
Federal capital at the commencement of the second 
term of the Thirty-second Congress. But the fatigues 
of the journey had proved too much for his strength, 
and hew^as unable to appear in the Senate. His end 
was at length approaching. Several weeks after his 
arrival, an interesting interview took place between 
Mr. Clay, wlio was closel}- confined to his room, and 
Louis Kossuth, the Hungarian patriot. Mr. Clay 
fully appreciated the superior merits and exalted 
abilities of that distinguished personage, and received 
him with that consideration which he deserved. Dur- 
ing this interview he expressed the sympathy which 
he felt with Hungary in her efforts to attain her liber- 
ties; but at the same time stated his objections to 
furnishing that material aid which Gov. Kossuth 
urged that the United States Government should 
afford against the detestable tyrants of Austria and 
Russia. He explained how the policy of our Govern- 
ment, from the administration of Washinirton down- 
ward, had invariably been, not to interfere with the 
tangled and intricate web of European affairs; and 
he counselled that, even in this instance, we should 
not depart from it. Though much disappointed, in 
this respect, with the views of Mr. Clay, the Hunga- 
rian hero failed not to appreciate the earnestness, 



OF HENRY CLAY. 285 

.Sincerity, arid patriotism which characterized his 
opinions on this suhject, and his utterance of them. 

But the end of this wonderful man had at hist 
arrived — his lons^ and memorable career had reached 
its calm and peaceful termination. His strength 
rapidly diminished, and at length he was confined to 
his bed. He was harassed by a distressing and pain- 
ful cough, and he became much emaciated. During 
the progress of his disease he held frequent inter- 
views with the chaplain of the Senate; and his mind 
seemed to be fully prepared for the solemn and mys- 
terious change which he was so soon to experience. 
lie was attended by the prompt and assiduous care 
of devoted friends, one of liis sons being almost con- 
tinually at his bedside. At length, on the 29th of 
June, 1852, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, his breath- 
ing became fainter and fainter, till it ceased entirely; 
but so gradually and gently, that the moment of his 
departure was scarcely known. That eloquent voice 
was then hushed forever. That o:io:antic intellect and 
noble soul had quitted its tenement of clay, and 
soared to other worlds to explore the mysteries of a 
future and eternal state of being. 

The two Houses of Coui^ress convened at 12 
o'clock, but already the news of Mr. Clay's death had 
been communicated through the capital ; and before 
the clerk of the Senate began the reading of the jour- 
nal, Mr. Hunter of Virginia rose and said, that the 
report of Mr. Cla^-'s death had been circulated, and 
he moved that the House should adjourn. A similar 
motion was made and carried in the House of Repre- 
sentatives. These were but mere mattera of form 



286 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



and ceremon}'. Tlie deatli of Ilonry Clay produced 
a profound impression of regret througliout the whole 
Confederacy, from the Atlantic to the Kockv Moun- 
tains, from the bleak hills of Maine to the balmy cot- 
ton-fields of Louisiana. ISTo statesman ever departed 
in this country, since the death of Washington, whose 
decease was so universally regretted; for it may 
without exaggeration be asserted, that no other pub- 
lic man in the nation, save "the Father of his Coun- 
try," ever possessed so strong a hold u]jon the sym- 
pathies and admiration of so large a proportion of 
the community, of various parties, sects and creeds. 



OFHENRYCLAY. . 237 



CHAPTER XVI. 

HENRY clay's OBSEQUIES AT WASHINGTON — REMARKS OP MR. UN- 

DERW'OOD EULOGY PRONOUNCED BY MR. SEWARD THE ADDRESS 

OF MR. BRECKENRIDGE — RELIGIOUS SERVICES IN THE SENATE 
CHAMBER — THE REMAINS CONVEYED TO LEXINGTON THEIR RE- 
CEPTION THERE — INTENSE POPULAR FEELING — ADDRESSES — MAS- 
TERLY EULOGY BY MR. CRITTENDEN. 

On the 30tli of June, 1852, a solemn and imposing 
Bcene was presented iu the Senate chamber at Wasli- 
ini2:ton. In it was assembled all that was «:reat and 
illustrious in the Federal capital; — the members 
of both Houses, the Cabinet Ministers, the heads of 
bureaux, Judges of the Supreme Court, and many 
eminent private persons crowded the apartment. The 
chaplain of the Senate commenced the proceedings 
with prayer. Afterward the journal was read ; and 
then the theme wliich engrossed and saddened all 
hearts, called forth the eloquent utterances and eulo- 
gies of many of the most gifted Representatives in 
the land. The American people, bereaved by death 
of their favorite patriot and statesman, were about to 
utter their griefs, and at the same ^iipe to bestow their 
benedictions upon his memory, through the lips of 
those who had been his honored associates. 

Mr. Underwood of Kentucky, the colleague of Mr. 



238 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



Clay, first arose, and forniallv announced the fact of 
bis death. He then proceeded to dwell npon the 
character and merits of the deceased. His remarks 
were a fitting tribute to the departed patriot, and con- 
cluded with the offering of appropriate resolutions. 
He was followed by Mr. Cass, whose impressive and 
eloquent address was as follows: 

*' Mr. President: Again has an impressive warning 
come to teach us that in the midst of life we are in 
death. The ordinary labors of this Hall are sus- 
pended, and its contentions hushed, before the power 
of Him who says to the storm of human passions, as 
He said of old to the waves of Galilee, 'Peace, be 
STILL.' The lessons of His Providence, severe as thev 
may be, often become merciful dispensations, like 
that which is now spreading sorrow^ through the land, 
and which Is reminding us that we have ijigher du- 
ties to fultil, and graver responsibilities to encounter, 
than those that meet us here, when we lav our hand^ 
upon His holy word, and invoke His holy name, pro- 
misincT to be faithful to that Constitution which He 
gave us in His mercy, and will withdraw only in the 
hour of our blindness and disobedience, and of His 
own wrath. 

"Another great man has fallen in our land, ripe 
indeed in years and in honors, but never dearer to 
the American people than when called from the thea- 
tre of his services and renown, to that final bar where 
the lofty and the lowly must all meet at last. 

'' I do not rise upon this mournful occasion to in- 
dulge in the language of panegyric. My regard for 
the memory of the dead, and for the obligations of 



OF HENRY CLAY. 239 

the living, would equally rebuke such a course. Tlie 
severity of truth is at once our proper duty and our 
best consolation. Born during the Revolutionary 
struggle, our deceased associate was one of the few 
remaining public men who connect the present gene- 
ration with the actors in the trying scenes of that 
eventful period, and whose names and deeds will soon 
be known only in the history of their country. lie 
was another illustration, and a noble one, too, of the 
glorious equality of our institutions, which freely offer 
all their rewards to all who justly seek them ; for he 
w^as the architect of his own fortune, having made his 
way in life by self-exertion ; and he was an early 
adventurer in the great forest of the AVest, then a 
world of primitive vegetation, but now the abode of 
intelligence and religion, of prosperity and civiliza- 
tion. 

**But he possessed that intellectual superiority 
wdiich overcomes surrounding obstacles, and which 
local seclusion cannot Ions: withhold from o'eneral 
knowledge and appreciation. It is almost half a cen- 
tury since he passed through Chilicothe, then the seat 
of government of Ohio, where I was a member of the 
Legislature, on his way to take his place in this very 
body, which is nt)w listening to this reminiscence, and 
to a feeble tribute of regard from one who then saw 
him for the hrst time, but who can never forget the 
impression he produced by the charms of his conver- 
sation, the frankness of his manner, and the high 
qualities with which he was endowed. Since then he 
has belonged to his countrj^ and has taken a part, 
and a prominent part, both in peace and war, in all 



240 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



the o^reat questions affecting her interests and her 
lionor; and though it has been nri}- fortune often to 
differ fron] him, 3'et I believe lie was as [)ure a patriot 
as ever participated in the councils of a nation, anx- 
ious for the public good, and seeking to promote it 
during all the vicissitudes of a long and eventtul life. 
Tiiat he exercised a powerful iniluence within the 
sphere of his action, through the whole country, in- 
deed we all feel and know ; and we know, too, the 
eminent endowments which s^ave him this IjiMi dis- 
tinction. Frank and fearless in the expression of his 
opinions, and in the perfurmance of his duties — with 
rare powers of eloquence, which never failed to rivet 
the attention of his auditory, and which always com- 
manded admiration, even when they did not carry 
conviciion — prompt in decision and lirm in aetion, 
and with a vigorous intellect, trained in the contests 
of a stirring life, and strengthened by enlarged expe- 
rience and observation, joined withal to an ardent 
love of country, and to great i)urity of purpose — these 
"were the elements of his power and success. And we 
dwell upon them with mournful gratitication, now 
^^'hen we shall soon follow him to the cold and silent 
tomb, where we shall commit earth to earth, ashes to 
ashes, dust to dust, but with the blessed convietion of 
the truth of that Divine revelation, which teaches u« 
that there is life and ho[>e bey-nd the narrow houses, 
where we shall leave him alone to the mercy of his 
God and of ours. 

"He has passed beyond the iCa*"]! of human praise 
or censure; but the judgment ol his contemporaries 
has preceded and pronounced the judgnienL of his- 



CF HENRY CLAY. 241 

tory, and his name and fame will shed lustre upon his 
coantr}^ and will be proudly cherished in the hearts 
of his countrymen for long ages to come. Yes, they 
will be cherished and freshly remembered when these 
marble columns that surround us, so often the wit- 
nesses of his triumphs, but in a few brief hours, when 
his mortal frame, despoiled of the immortal spirit, 
shall rest under this dome for the last time, to become 
the witnesses of his defeat in that final contest where 
the mightiest fall before the great destroyer — when 
these marble columns shall themselves have fallen, 
like all the works of man, leaving their broken frag- 
ments to tell the story of former magnificence, amid 
the very ruins which announce decay and desolation. 
" I was often with him during his last illness, when 
the world, and the things of the world, were fast fad- 
ins: awav before him. He knew that the silver cord 
was almost loosed, and that the golden bowl was 
breakins: at the fountain : but he was resis^ned to the 
will of Providence, feeling that He who gave has the 
riufht to take away in His own o-ood time and man- 
ner. After his dut}- to his Creator, and his anxiety 
for his family, his first care was for his country, and 
his first wish for the preservation and perpetuation 
of the Constitution and the Union, dear to him in the 
hour of death, as they had ever been in the vigor of 
life. Of that Constitution and Union whose defence, 
in the last and greatest crisis of their peril, had called 
forth all his energies, and had stimulated those me- 
morable and powerful exertions, which he who wit- 
nessed can never forget, and which no doubt hastened 
the final catastrophe, a nation now deplores with a 

21 Q 



242 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

sincerity and unanimity not less honorable to them- 
selves than to the memory of the object of their atfec- 
tions. And when we shall enter that narrow valley 
through which he has passed before us, and which 
leads to the judgment-seat of God, may we be able 
to sa}^ through faith in His Son, our Saviour, and in 
the beautiful language of the hymn of the dying 
Christian — dying, but ever living and triumphant: 

"'The world recedes, it disappears! 
Heaven opens on my eyes ! my ears 
With sounds seraphic ring: 
Lend, lend your wings ! I mount, I fly ! 
Oh grave, where is thy victory? 
Oh death, where is thy sting?' 

" Jjet me die the death of the righteous, and let my 
last end be like his." 

From among the man}' other eloquent tributes which 
were paid, on this occasion, to the virtues of Mr. 
Clay, with which we might fitly conclude this narra- 
tive of his career, we select the two which follow, as 
most appropriate and impressive. Mr. Seward, of 
New York, addressed the Senate as follows: 

*' Mr. President, fifty years ago, Henry Clay, of Vir- 
ginia, already adopted by Kejitucky, then as youth- 
ful as himself, entered the service of his country, a 
Keprcsentative in the unpretending Legislature of 
that rising State ; and having thenceforward pursued, 
with ardor and constancy, the gradual paths of an 
aspiring change through halls of Congress, foreign 
courts, and Executive councils, he has now, with the 
cheerfulness of a patriot, and the serenity of a Chris- 
tian, fitly closed his long and arduous career, here in 



OF HENRY CLAY. 243 

the Senate, in the full presence of the Repuhlic, look- 
ing down upon the scene with anxiety and alarm — 
not merel}^ a Senator like one of us who yet remain 
in the Senate-House, hut filling that character which, 
though it had no authority of law, and was assigned 
without suffrage, Augustus Caesar nevertheless de- 
clared was above the title of Emperor, Primus inter' 
lUustres — the Prince of the Senate. 

"Generals are tried, Mr. President, bv examinins: 
the campaigns they have lost or won, and statesmen 
by reviewing the transactions in which they have 
been engaged. Plamilton would have been unknown 
to us had there been no Constitution to be created, 
as Brutus would have died in obscurity had there 
been no Caesar to be slain. 

" Colonization, revolution, and organization — three 
great acts in the drama of our national progress — had 
already passed when the western patriot a|)peared on 
the public stage. He entered in that next division of 
the niiijestic scenes which was marked by an inevita- 
ble reaction of political forces, a wild strife of factions, 
and ruinous embarrassments in our foreiii'u relations. 
This transition stage is always more perilous than 
any other in the career of nations, and especially in 
the career of republics. It proved fatal to the Com- 
monwealth of England. Scarcely any of the Spanish- 
American States has yet emerged from it ; and it Las 
more than once been sadly signalized by the ruin of 
the republican cause in France. 

"The continuous administration of Washini^ton 
and John Adams had closed under a cloud which 
had thrown a broad, dark shadow over the future ; 



244 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

the nation was deeply indebted at home and abroad, 
and its credit was prostrate. Tlie revolutionary fac- 
tions had given place to two inveterate parties, divided 
hy a gulf which had been worn by the conliict in 
which the Constitution was adopted, and made broader 
and deeper by a war of prejudices concerning the 
merits of the belligerents in the great European 
struofirle that then convulsed the civilized world. 
Our extraordinary political system was little more 
than an ingenious theory, not yet practically esta- 
blished. The Union of the States was as yet <-)nly 
one of compact; for the political, social, and com- 
mercial necessities to which it was so marvellouslv 
adapted, and which, clustering thickly upon it, now 
render it indissoluble, had not then been broadly dis- 
closed, nor had the habits of acquiescence, and the 
sentiments of loyalty, always slow of growth, fully 
ripened. Tb.e bark that had gone to sea, thus unfur- 
nished and untried, seemed quite certain to founder 
by reason of its own inherent frailty, even if it should 
escape unharmed in the great conflict of nations, 
which acknowledged no claims of justice, and tole- 
rated no pretensions of neutrality. Moreover, the 
territory possessed by the nation was inadequae to 
conmiercial exigencies, and indispensable social ex- 
pansion ; and 3'et no provision had heen made for en- 
largement, nor for extending the political system over 
distant regions, inhabited or otherwise, which must 
inevitably be acquired. Nor could any such acqui- 
sition be made without disturbinii; the careful! v-ad- 
justed balance of powers among the members of the 
Confederacy. 



A 



OF HENRY CLAY. 245 

"These difficulties, Mr. President, although they 
grew less with time and by slow degrees, continued' 
throuo^hout the whole life of the statesman whose ob- 
sequies we are celebrating. Be it known, then — and 
I am sure that history will confirm the instruction — 
that conservatism was the interest of the nation, and 
the responsibility of its rulers, during the period in 
which he flourished. He was ardent, bold, generous, 
and even ambitious; and yet, with a profound con- 
viction of the true exigencies of the country, like 
Alexander Hamilton, he disciplined himself, and 
trained a restless nation, that knew on.y self-control, 
to the rigorous practice of that often humiliating 
conservatism whicli its welfare and security in that 
peculiar crisis so imperiously demanded. 

*'It could not have happened, sir, to any citizen to 
have acted alone, nor even to have acted always the 
most conspicuous part in a trying period so long pro- 
tracted. Henry Clay, therefore, shared the responsi- 
bilities of Government with not only his proper con- 
temporaries, but also survivors of the Revolution, as 
well as also many who will now succeed himself. Deli- 
cacy forbids my naming those who retain tlieir places 
here; but we may, without impropriety, recall among 
his compeers a Senator of vast resources and intlexi- 
bie resolve, who has recently witiidrawn from this 
chamber, but I trust not altogether from public lite 
(Mi\ Benton); and another, who, surpassing all his 
contemporaries within his country, and even through- 
out the world, in the proper eloquence of the forum, 
now, in autumnal years, for a second time dignities 
and adorns the highest seat in the Executive Council 
21* 



246 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

(Mr. Webster). Passing by these eminent and noble 
men, the shades of Calhoun, John Quincy Adams, 
Jackson, Monroe, Madison, and Jefferson, rise up before 
ns — statesmen whose living and local fame has ripened 
already into historical and world-wide renown. 

"Among geniuses so lofty as these, Henry Clay 
bore a part in regulating the constitutional freedom 
of political debate; establishing that long-contested 
and most important line which divides the sove- 
reignty of the several States from that of the States 
confederated ; asserting the right of neutrality, and 
vindicating it by a war against Great Britain, when 
that just but extreme measure became necessary; 
adjusting the terms on which that perilous, yet hono- 
rable contest, was brought to a peaceful close; per- 
fecting the Army, and the Navy, and national fortifi- 
cations: settling the fiscal and financial policy of the 
Government in more than one crisis of apparently- 
threatened revolution ; asserting and calling into 
exercise the powers of the Government for making 
and improving internal communications between the 
States; arousing and encouraging the Spanish-Ame- 
rican colonies on this continent to throw off the for- 
eign 3'oke, and to organize governments on principles 
congenial to our own, and thus creating external bul- 
M'arks for our own national defence; establishing 
equal and impartial peace and amity with all existing 
maritime powers; and extending the constitutional 
orf'-anization of Government over vast rcjxions, all 
secured in his lifetime by purchase or by conquest, 
whereby the pillars of theliepublic have been removed 
from the Ininks of tlie St. Mary's to the borders of the 



I 



F H E N R Y CLAY. 247 

Rio Grande, and from the margin of the Mississippi 
to the Pacific coast. We may not yet discuss the 
wisdom of the several measures which have thus 
passed in review before ns, nor of the positions which 
the deceased statesman assumed in reo:ard to them : 
l)ut we may, without offence, dwell upon the compre- 
hensive results of them all. 

" Tlie Union exists in absolute ititegritj, and the 
Republic in complete and triumphant development. 
AVithout having relinquished any part of their indi- 
viduality, the States have more than doubled already, 
a!id are increasing in numbers and growing in politi- 
cal strength and expansion more rapidly than ever 
before. Without having absorbed any State, or hav- 
ing even encroached on any State, the Confederation 
has opened itself so as to embrace all the new mem- 
bers who have come; and now, with capacity for fur- 
ther and indefinite enlargement, has become fixed, 
enduring, and perpetual. Although it was doubted, 
only half a century ago, whether our political system 
could be maintained at all, and whether, if main- 
tained, it could guarantee the peace and hai)piness of 
society, it stands now confessed by the world the form 
of government not only most adapted to empire, but 
also most congenial with the constitution of human 
uatui'e. 

'^ When we consider that the nation has been con- 
ducted to this haven, not only througli stormy seas, 
but altogether also without a course and without a 
Btar ; and when we consider, moreover, the sum of 
haj)[»iness that has already been enjoyed by the Ame- 
rican people, and still more the influence which the 



248 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

great achievements is exerting on the advancement 
and melioration of tlie condition of mankind, we see 
at once that it might have satisfied the highest ambi- 
tion to liave been, no matter how humbly, concerned 
in so e^reat a transaction. 

^' Certainly, sir, no one will assert that Henry Clay 
111 that transaction performed an obscure or even a 
common part. On the contrary, from the day on 
which he entered the public service, until that on 
which he passed the gates of death, he was never a 
follower, but always a leader; and lie marshalled 
either the party which sustained, or that which re- 
sisted, every great measure, equally in the Senate 
and in the popular canvass. And he led where duty 
seemed to him to indicate, reckless whether he en- 
countered one President or twenty Presidents, whe- 
ther lie was opposed by factions or even by the whole 
people. Hence it has happened that, altliough that 
people are not yet agreed among themselves on the 
wisdom of all or perhaps of even any of his great 
measures, yet they are nevertheless unanimous in 
acknowledging that he was at once the greatest, the 
most faithful, and the most reliable of their states- 
men. Here the effort at discriminating praise of 
Henry Clay in regard to his public policy must ^top, 
oven on this sad occasion, which awakens the ardent 
liberality of his generous survivors. 

"But his personal qualities may be discussed with- 
out apprehension. What were the elements of the 
success of that extraordinary man ? You, sir, knew 
hirii longer and better than I, and I would prefer to 
hear you speak of them. He was indeed eloquent — 



OF HENRY CLAY. 240 

all the world knows tluit. lie held the ke^'s to the 
hearts of liis countrjmen, and he turned the wards 
within them with a skill attained hy no other master. 
"But eloquence was nevertheless only an instru- 
ment, and one of many that he used. Ilis conversa- 
tion, his gestures, his very look, was magisterial, per- 
suasive, seductive, irresistible. And his apj)liance 
of all these was courteous, patient, and indefatigable. 
Defeat only inspired him with new resolution. He 
divided opposition by his assiduity of address, while 
he rallied and strengthened his own bands of sup- 
porters by the confidence of success which, feeling 
himself, he easily inspired among his followers. Ilis 
affections were high, and pure, and generous, and the 
chiefest among them was that one which the g^reat 
Italian poet designated as the charity of native land. 
In him that charity was an enduring and overpower- 
ing enthusiasm, and it influenced all his sentiments 
and conduct, rendering him more impartial between 
conflicting interests and sections, than any other 
statesman who has lived since the Revolution. Thus 
with great versatility of talent, and the most catholic 
e(piality of favor, he identified every question, whe- 
ther of domestic administration or foreign policy, 
with his own great name, and so became a perpetual 
Tribune of the peo[>le. He needed only to pronounce 
in favor of a measure or against it, here, and imme- 
diately popular enthusiasm, excited as by a magic 
wand, was felt, overcoming and dissolving all oppo- 
sition in the Senate Chamber. 

"In this way he wrought a change in our political 
system, that I think was not foreseen by its founders. 



250 



THE LIFE AND T I M E S 



He converted this branch of the Legislature froni a 
negative position, or one of equilibrium between tlie 
Executive and the House of Kcpresentatives, into 
the active ruling power of the Republic. Only time 
can disclose whether this great innovation shall bo 
bcneiicent, or even permanent. 

"Certainly, sir, the great lights of the Senate have 
set. The obscuration is not less palpable to the 
country than to us, who are left to grope our uncer- 
tain way here, as in a labyrinth, oppressed with self- 
distrust. The time, too, presents new embarrass- 
ments. "We are rising to another and more sublime 
stage of national progress — that of expanding wealth 
and rapid territorial aggrandizement." 

At a later hour of the day John C. Breckenridge, 
of Kentucky, rose and said : 

''Mr. Speaker: I rise to perform the melancholy 
duty of announcing to this body the death of Henry 
Clay, late a Senator in Congress from the Common- 
wealth of Kentucky. 

*' Mr. Clay expired at his lodgings in this city yes- 
terday morning, at seventeen minutes past eleven 
o'clock, in the seventy -sixth year of his age. His 
noble intellect was unclouded to the last. After pro- 
tracted sufferings, he passed away without pain ; and 
80 gently did the spirit leave his frame, that tlie mo- 
ment of departure was not observed by the friends 
who watched at his bedside. His last hours were 
cheered by the presence of an affectionate son, and 
he died surrounded hy friends who, during his long 
illness, had done all that affection could suggest to 
soothe his sufferings. 



OF HENRY CLAY. 251 

"Although this sad event has been expected for 
many weeks, the shock it produced, and the innume- 
rable tributes of respect to his memory exhibited on 
every side, and in every form, prove the depth of the 
pnhlic sorrow and the greatness of the public loss. 

" Imperishably associated as his name has been for 
fifty years with every great event affecting the for- 
tunes of our country, it is difficult to realize that he 
is indeed gone forever. It is difficult to feel that we 
shall see no more his noble form within these walls — • 
that we shall hear no more his patriot tones, now 
rousing his countrymen to vindicate their rights 
against a foreign foe, now imploring them to preserve 
concord amonof themselves. "We shall see him no 
more. The memory and the fruits of his services 
alone remain to us. Amidst the general gloom, the 
Capitol itself looks desolate, as if the genius of tlie 
place had departed. Already the intelligence has 
reached almost every quarter of the Republic, and a 
great people mourn with us, to-day, the death of their 
most illustrious citizen. Sympathizing, as we do, 
deeply, with his famil}^ and friends, yet private afflic- 
tion is absorbed in the general sorrow. The spectacle 
of a whole community lamenting the loss of a great 
man, is far more touching than any manifestation of 
private grief. In speaking of a loss which is na- 
tional, I will not attempt to describe the universal 
burst of grief with which Kentucky will receive these 
tidings. The attemj't would be vain to depict the 
gloom that will cover her people, when they know 
that the pillar of fire has been removed which has 
guided their footsteps for the life of a generation. 






THE ]. I F E A X D TIMES 



*'It is known to the country that, from the merao- 
rable session of 1849-50, Mr. Clay's health gradufilly 
declined. Although several years of his senatorial 
term remaii\ed, lie did not propose to continue in the 
public service longer than the present sessioi.. He 
came to Washington chiefly to defend, if it shonld 
btcome necessary, the measures of adjustment, to 
the adoption of which he so largely contributed ; but 
the condition of his health did not allow him, at any 
time, to participate in tlie discussions of the Senate. 
Durintr the winter he was confined almost wholly to 
his room, with sliglit changes in his condition, but 
o-radually losing the remnant of his strength. During 
the long and dreary winter, lie conversed much and 
cheerfully with his friends, and expressed a deep in- 
terest in public affairs. Although he did not expect 
a restoration to health, he cherished the hope that 
the mild season of spring would bring to him strength 
enou^'-h to return to Ashland, and die in the bosom 
of his family. But alas! spring that brings life to all 
nature, brought no life nor hope to him. After the 
month of March, his vital powers rapidly wasted, and 
for weeks he lay patiently awaiting the stroke of 
death. But the approach of the destroyer had no 
terrors for him. No clouds overhung his future. lie 
met tlie end with composure, and his pathway to the 
grave was brightened by the immortal hopes which 
spring from the Christian faith. 

'^N(')t long before his death, having just returned 
from Kentucky, I bore to him a token of affection 
from his excellent wife. Kever can I forget his ap- 
pearance, his manner, or his words. After speaking 



OF HENRY CLAY. 253 

of his family, his friends, and his country, he chanired 
the conversation to his own future, and lookinir on 
me with his fine eve undimmed, and his voice full of 
its original compass and melody, he said, 'I am not 
afraid to die, sir. I have hope, faith, and some con- 
fidence. I do not think anv man can be entirely cer- 
tain in regard to his fiitare state, but I have an abid- 
ing trust in the merits and mediation of our Saviour.' 
It will assuage the grief of his family to know that 
lie looked hopefully beyond the tomb; and a Chris- 
tian people will rejoice to hear that such a man, in 
his last hours, reposed with simplicity and confidence 
on tlje promises of the gospel. 

"It is the custom, on occasions like this, to speak 
of the parentage and childhood of the deceased, and 
to follow him, step by step, through life. I will not 
attempt to relate even all the great events of Mr. 
Clay's life, because they are familiar to the whole 
country, and it would be needless to enumerate a long 
list of public services which form a part of American 
history. 

"Beo^inninsT life as a friendless bov, with few ad- 
vantages save those conferred by nature, while yet a 
minor he left Virginia, the State of his birth*, and 
commenced the practice of law at Lexington, in Ken- 
tucky. At a bar remarkable for its numbers and 
talent, Mr. Clay soon rose to the first rank. At a 
very early age he was elected from the count}- of 
Fayette to the General Assembly of Kentucky, and 
was the Speaker of that body. Coming into the 
Senate of the United States, for the first time, in 
1806, he entered upon a parliamentary career, the 
22 



254 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



most brilliant and successful in our annals. From 
that time lie remained habitually in the public eye. 
As a Senator, as a member of this House, and its 
Sjieaker, as a representative of his country abroad, 
and as a high officer in the executive department of 
the Government, he was intimately connected for 
fiftv years with every o-reat measure of American 
policy. Of the mere party measures of this period, I 
do not propose to speak. Many of them have passed 
awav, and are remembered only as the occasion for 
the o;reat intellectual eftbrts which marked their dis- 
cussion. Concerning others, opinions are still di- 
vided. They will go into history, with the reasons 
on either side rendered by the greatest intellects of 

the time. 

"As a leader in a deliberative body, Mr. Clay had 
no equal in America. In him, intellect, person, elo- 
quence, and courage, united to form a character fit to 
command. lie fired with his own enthusiasm, and 
controlled by his amazing will, individuals and 
masses. No reverse could crush his spirit, nor defeat 
reduce him to despair. Equally erect and dauntless 
in prosperity and adversity, when successful he moved 
to tlie accom[)lishment of his purposes with severe 
resolution ; when defeated, he rallied his broken 
bands around hiiu, and from his eagle eye shot along 
their ranks the contagion of his own courage. Des- 
tined for a leader, he everywhere asserted his destiny. 
In his \ou<j: and eventful life, he came in contact v.ith 
men of all ranks and professions, but he never felt 
that he was in the presence of a man superior to him- 
self. In the assemblies of the people, at the bar, in 



OF HENEY CLAY. 255 

the Senate — everywhere within the circle of his per- 
sonal presence, he assumed and maintained a position 
of pre-eminence. 

"But the supremacy of Mr. Clay as a party leader, 
was not his only nor his highest title to renown. 
That title is to be found in the purely patriotic spirit 
which, on great occasions, always signalized his con- 
duct. We have had no statesman who, in periods of 
real and imminent public peril, has exhibited a more 
geriuine and enlarged patriotism than Henry Clay. 
Whenever a question presented itself actually threat- 
ening the existence of the Union, Mr. Clay, rising 
above the passions of the hour, always exerted his 
powers to solve it peacefully and honorably. Al- 
thouo'h more liable than most men, from his im- 
petuous and ardent nature, to feel strongly the pas- 
sions common to ns all, it was his rare faculty to be 
able to subdue them in a great crisis, and to hold 
toward all sections of the Confederacy the language 
of concord and brotherhood. 

*' Sir, it will be a proud pleasure to every true Ame- 
rican heart to remember the great occasions when 
Mr. Clay has displayed a sublime patriotism — when 
the ill-temper engendered by the times, and the 
miserable jealousies of the day, seemed to have been 
driven from his bosom by the expulsive power of 
nobler feelings — when every throb of his heart was 
given to his country, every effort of his intellect dedi- 
cated to her service. Who does not remeinber the 
three periods when the American system of govern- 
ment was exposed to its severest trials; and who does 
not know that wdien History shall relate the struggles 



256 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



which preceflcd the dangers \\\nch were avortofl bv 
the Missouri Comprornise, the Tnrift' Conipronnse of 
1833, and tlie adjustment of 1850, the same pages 
will record the genius, the eloquence, and the patriot- 
ism of Henry Clay? 

"I^orwas it in Mr. Clay's nature to lag behind 
until measures of adjustment were matured, and then 
come forward to swell a majority. On the contrary, 
like a bold and real statesman, he was ever among 
the first to meet the peril, and hazard his fame upo!i 
the remedy. It is fresh in the memory of us all that, 
when lately the fury of sectional discord threatened 
to seyer the Confederacy, Mr. Clay, though with- 
drawal from public life, and oppressed by the burden 
of years, came back to the Senate, the theatre of his 
o-lorv, and devoted the remnant of his strength to 
the sacred duty of preserving the union of the States. 

"With characteristic courage, he took the lead in 
proposing a scheme of settlement. But, while he 
was willing to assume the responsil)ility of proposijig 
a plan, he did not, with petty ambition, insist upon 
its adoption to the exclusion of other modes; but, 
takino- Ids own as a startinii'-point for discussion and 
practical action, he nohly labored with his compatrii^ta 
to change and improve' it in such form as to make it 
an acceptable adjustment. Throughout the long and 
arduous struggle, the love of country expelled from 
his bosom the spirit of selfishness; and Mr. Clay 
proved, for the third time, that though he was am- 
bitious, and loved glory, he had no amhitiou to niount 
to fame 0!i the confusions of his country. And this 
couvictiou is lodged iu the hearts of the people ; the 



I 



OF HENRY CLAY. 257 

party menpiires and the party passions of former times 
have not, for several years, interyiosed hetween ^fr. 
Ciav and tlie masses of his conntrvmen. After 1850, 
lie seemed to feel that his mission was accon^plished, 
and during tlie same period, the regards and affec- 
tions of the American people have been attracted to 
him in a remarkable degree. For many months the 
warmest feelings, the deepest anxieties of all parties, 
centered upon the dying statesman ; the glory of his 
great actions shed a mellow lustre on his declining 
years, and to fill the measure of his fame, his conn- 
trvmen, weaving for him the laurel wreath, with 
common hands, did bind it about his venerable brow, 
and send him. crowned, to history. 

*' The life of Mr. Clay, sir, is a striking example 
of the abiding fame which surel}^ awaits the direct 
and candid statesman. The entire absence of equi- 
vocation or disguise in all his acts, was his master- 
key to the popular heart; for while the people will 
forgive the errors of a bold and open nature, he sins 
past forgiveness \\ho deliberately deceives them. 
Hence Mr. Clay, though often defeated in his mea- 
sures of polic}', always secured the respect of his op- 
ponents without losing the contidence of his friends. 
He never paltered in a double sense. The country 
never was in doubt as to his opinions or his purposes. 
In all the contests of his linie, his position on great 
public questions was as clear as the sun in the cloud- 
less sky. Sir, standing by the grave of this great 
man, and considering these things, how contem[»tible 
does appear the mere legerdemain of politics! What 
a reproach is his life on that false policy which would 
22* B 



238 THE LIFE AND TIMES 



il 



i 



trifle with a erreat and npris^ht people! If I were to 
write his epitaph, I would inscribe as the hiorhest 
eulogy, on the stone which shall mark his resting- 
place, *IIere lies a man who was in the public service 
for fifty years, and never attempted to deceive his 
countrvmen.' 

"While the 3^outh of America should imitate his 
noble qualities, they may take courage from his 
career, and note the high proof it affords that, under 
our equal institutions, the avenues to honor are open 
to all. Mr. Clay rose by the force of liis own genius, i 
unaided by power, patronage, or wealth. At an age 
when our young men are usually advanced to the 
higher schools of learning, provided only with the 
rudiments of an English education, he turned his 
steps to the West, and, amidst the rude collisions of 
a border life, matured a character whose hiijhest ex- 
hibitions were destined to mark eras iri his country's 
history. Beginning on the frontiers of American 
civilization, the orphan boy, supported only by the 
consciousness of his own powers, and by the confi- 
dence of the people, surmounted all the barriers of 
adverse fortune, and won a glorious name in the 
annals of his country. Let the generous youtli, fired 
with honorable ambition, remember that the Ameri- 
can system of government offers on every hand boun- 
ties to merit. If, like Clay, orphanage, obscurity, 
poverty, shall oppress him ; yet if, like Clay,- he feels 
the Promethean spark within, let him remember that 
his country, like a generous mother, extends her armti 
to welcome and to cherish every one of her children 
whose genius and worth may promote her prosperity 
or increase her renown. 



OF HENRY CLAY. 259 

"Mr. Speaker, the signs of woe around us, and the 
general voice, announce that another great man has 
fallen. Our consolation is that he was not taken in 
the vigor of his manhood, but sunk into the grave at 
the close of a k)ng and illustrious career. The great 
statesmen who have filled the largest space in the 
public eye, one by one are passing away. Of the 
three great learlers of the Senate, one alone remains, 
and he must follow soon. We shall witness no more 
their intellectual struggles in the American forum; 
but the monuments of their genius will be cherished 
as the common property of the people, and their 
names will continue to confer dignity and renown 
upon their country. 

"Not less illustrious than the greatest of these will 
be the name of Clay— a name pronounced with pride 
by Americans in every quarter of the globe; a name 
to be remembered while history shall record the 
struggles of modern Greece for freedom, or the spirit 
of liberty burn in the South American bosom; a 
living and immortal name — a name that would de- 
scend to posterity without the aid of letters, borne by 
tradition from generation to generation. Every me- 
morial of such a man will possess a meanino- and a 
vahie to his countrymen. His tomb will be a hal- 
lowed spot. Great memories will cluster there, 
and his countrymen, as they xis'it it, may well 
exclaim : 

* Such graves as his are pilgrim shrines, 
Shrines to no creed confined ; 
The Delphian vales, the Palestines, 
The Meccas of the mind.' 



260 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

"Mr. Speaker, I offer tlie followiiiGi: rcsolntions: 

^^ Resolved^ Tliat tlie House of liepre^emativea of 
the United States lias received, witii the de«'[test sen- 
sibility, intelliirence of the death of Ilenrv Chiv. 

^^ Resolved, That the officers and memhers of the 
House of Representatives will wear the usual hadge 
of mourning for thirty da3's, as a testinion}' of the 
profound respect this House entertains for the memory 
of the deceased. 

^^ Resolved, That the officers and members of the 
House of Representatives, in a body, will attend the 
funeral of Henry Clay, on the day appointed for that 
purpose by the Senate of the United States. 

^^ Resolved, That the proceedings of this House, in 
relation to the death of Henry Cla}-, be communicated 
to the famil}' of the deceased by the clerk. 

^^ Resolved, That as a further mark of respect for 
the memory of the deceased, this House do now 
adjourn." 

On the 1st of July the funeral ceremonies took 
place in the Senate Chamber. The service of the 
Protestant Episcopal Church was read by the Rev. 
Mr. Butler, the Chaplain. The same assemblage of 
distinguished officials of all descri[)tions, who had 
been present on the preceding day, during the de- 
livery of the eulogies, now also adorned and imparted 
dignity to the scene. The body of the deceased was 
carried to the centre of the Chamber, having been 
placed in a superb sarcophagus, the form of which 
resembled the outlines of the human body. A dis- 
course was then delivered by the chaplain appropriate 
to the occasion. It was solemn, eloquent, and im- 



« 



OF HENRY CLAY. 261 

pressive. At its conclusion the body was removed to 
the Uotiitida, and the assembly permitted to behold 
the features of the departed statesman. The remains 
were afterward taken, followed by the funeral proces- 
sion, to the depot of the Baltimore railroad, whence 
they were conveyed toward their final resting-place 
at LexiniJ^ton, in Kentuckv. 

The mounifal cortege arrived at that city about 
sunset, on Friday, July tlie 9th. A vast and silent 
multitude awaited its approach. A committee ap- 
pointed by the citizens of Lexington, were in readi- 
ness to receive them. Upon delivering the remains 
into their keeping, Mr. Underwood addressed them as 
follows : 

" Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the Lexington 
Committee : 

"Mr. Clay desired to be buried in the cemetery of 
your city. I made known his wish to the Senate, 
afier he was dead. That body, in consideration of 
the respect entertained for him, and his long and 
eminent public services, appointed a committee of 
six Senators to attend his remains to this place. 
My relations to Mr. Clay, as his colleague, and as 
the mover of the resolution, induced the Presi- 
dent of the Senate to appoint me the cliairman of 
the committee. The other gentlemen comprising the 
committee are distinguished, all of them, for eminent 
civil services, each having been the executive head of 
a State or Territory, and some of them no less dis- 
tinguished for brilliant military achievements. I 
cannot permit this occasion to pass without an ex- 
pression of my gratitude to each member of the 



262 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

Senate's committee. Tlieyhave, to testif\' tlieir per- 
sonal respect and appreciation of tlie character, pri- 
vate and public, of Mr. Clay, left their seats in the 
Senate, for a time, and honored his remains by con- 
ducting them to their last resting-place. I am sure 
that you, gentlemen of the Lexington committee, 
and the people of Kentucky, will ever bear my asso- 
ciates in 2:rateful remembrance. 

"Our journey, since we left Washington, has been 
a continued procession. Everywhere the people have 
pressed forward to manifest their feelings toward 
the illustrious dead. Delegates from cities, towns, 
and villages, have waited on us. The pure and the 
lovely, the mothers and daughters of the land, as we 
passed, covered the coffin with garlands of flowers, 
and bedewed it with tears. It has been no trium- 
phal procession in honor of a living man, stimulated 
by hopes of reward. It has been the voluntary tribute 
of a free and grateful people to the glorious dead. 
AVe have brought with us, to witness the last sad 
ceremony, a delegation from the Clay Association of 
the city of IN^ew York, and delegations from the cities 
of Cincinnati and Dayton, in Oliio. !Much as we 
have seen on our way, it is small compared with the 
great movement of popular sympathy and admiration 
\Yljich everywhere burst forth in honor of the departed 
statesman. The rivulets we have witnessed are con- 
centrating; and in their union will form the ocean 
tide that shall lave the base of the pyramid of Mr. 
Clav's fame forever. 

"Mr. Chairman and irentlemen of the Lexinsrton 
Committee, I have but one remaining duty to peform, 



4 



OF HENRY CLAY. 2^3 

and that is, to deliver to you, the neighbors and 
friends of Mr. Clay when living, his dead body for 
interment. From my acquaintance with your charac- 
ters, and especially with your Chairman, who was my 
schoolmate iu boyhood, my associate in the Legisla- 
ture in early manhood, and afterward a co-laborer, 
for man}' years, on the bench of the Appellate Court, 
I know that you will do all that duty and propriety 
require, in burying him, whose last great services to 
his country were performed from Christian motives, 
without hopes of office or earthly reward." 

The Chairman of the Lexington committee, Chief- 
Justice Robertson, deeply affected, replied as follows: 

*' Senator Underwood, Chairman, and Associate 
Senators of the Committee of Conveyance : 

'*Here your long and mournful cortege at last ends 
— your melancholy mission is now fulfilled — and, thi3 
solemn moment, you dissolve forever your official 
connection with your late distinguished colleague of 
Kentucky. 

" With mingled emotions of sorrow and gratitude, 
we receive from your hands, into the arms of his de- 
voted State and the bosom of his beloved city, all 
that now remains on earth of Henry Clay. Having 
attained, with signal honor, the patriarchal age of 
seventy-six, and hallowed his setting sun by the 
crowning act of his eventful drama, a wise and bene- 
volent Providence has seen fit to close his pilgrimage, 
and to allow him to act — as we trust he was prepared 
to act — a still nobler and better part in a purer world, 
where life is deathless. This was, doubtless, best for 
him, and, in the inscrutable dispensations of a benig- 



<) 



2(J4 



THE LIFE AND T I M E 3 



iiant Almiirlitv, best for Lis oonntrv. Still, it is hnt 
natural that liis countrymen, and his neiirhl)(>r3 espe- 
cially, should feel and exhibit sorrow at the loss of a 
citizen so useful, so eminent, and so loved. And not 
as his associates only, but as Kentuckians and Ame- 
ricans, we of Lexington and Fayette feel grateful for 
th.e unexampled manifestations of respect for his me- 
mory, to which you have so eloquently alluded, as 
haying eyerywhere graced the more than tnnmj)hal 
procession of his dead body homeward from the 
national capital, where, in the public service, he fell 
with his armor on and untarnished. We feel, Mr. 
Chairman, especially grateful to yourself and your 
colleagues here present, for the honor of your kind 
accompaniment of your precious deposit to his last 
home. Equally divided in your party names, equally 
the personal friends of tlie deceased, equally sympa- 
thizing: with a whole nation in the Providential be- 
reavement, and all distinguished for your public ser- 
vices and the confidence of constituents, — you were 
peculiarly suited to the sacred trust of escorting his 
remains to the s{)Ot chosen by liimself for their re- 
pose. Ilaving performed that solemn service in a 
manner creditable to yourselves and honorable to his 
memory, Kentucky thanks you for your patriotic 
magnanimity. And allow me, as her organ on this 
valedictory occasion, to express for her, as well as for 
myself and committee, the hope that your last days 
may be far distant, and that, come when they may, 
as they certainly must come, sooner or later, to all 
of you, the death of each of you may deserve to be 
honored by the grateful outpourings of national re- 



OF HENRY CLAY. 265 

* 

gpect which sio^iialize the death of our universally 
lamented Clay. 

"Unlike Bnrke, h^ never *gave np to the party 
wliat was meant for mankind.' His intropid nation- 
ality, his lofty patriotism, and his comprehensive phi- 
lanthropy, illustrated by his country's annals for half 
a century, magnified him among statesmen, and en- 
deared him to all classes, and ages, and sexes of his 
countrymen. And theref)re his name, like Wash- 
ington's, will belong to no party, or section, or time. 

''Your kind allusion, Mr. Chairman, to reminis- 
cences of our personal associations, is cordially re- 
ciprocated, — the longer we have known, the more 
we have respected each other. Be assured tliat the 
duty you have devolved on our committee shall be 
faithfully performed. The body you commit to ns 
shall be properly interred in a spot of its mother 
earth, which, as 'the grave of clay,' will be more 
and more consecrated by time to the affections of 
mankind. 

"IIow different, however, would have been the 
feelings of us all, if, instead of the pulseless, speech- 
less, breathless Clay, now in cold and solemn silence 
before ns, you had brought with you to his family 
and neighbors, the living man, in all the majesty of 
his transcendent moral power, as we once knew, and 
often saw and heard him. But with becomintr resi^r- 
nation, we bow to a dispensation which was doubt- 
less as wise and beneficent as it was melancholy and 
inevitable. 

'' To the accompanying committees from iS'ew 
York, Dayton, and Cincinnati, we tender our pro- 
23 



'ir.^ 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



found acknowledgments tor their voluntary Bacrifioe 
of time and comfort to honor the obsequies of our 
illustrious countrvman. 

"In the sacred and august presence of the illus- 
trious dead, were a eulogistic speech befitting the 
occasion, it could not be made by me. I could not 
thus speak over the dead bodv of Ilenrv Clav. Ken- 
tucky expects not me, nor any other of her sons, to 
Bpeak his eulogy now, if ever. She would leave that 
grateful task to other States, and to other times. 
His name needs not our panegyric. The carver of 
liis own fortune, the founder of his own name — with 
liis own hands he has built his own monument, and 
with liis own tongue and his own pen he has stereo- 
typed his autobiography. With hopeful trust his 
maternal Commonwealth consigns his fame to the 
justice of history, and to the judgment of ages to 
come. Ilis ashes he bequeathed to her, and they 
will rest in her bosom until the judgment day; his 
fame will descend, as the common heritage of his 
country, to every citizen of that Union of which he 
was thrice the triumphant champion, and whose 
genius and value are so beautifullv illustrated by his 
model life. 

"But thousrh we feel assured that his renown will 
survive the ruins of the Capitol he so long and so ad- 
mirably graced, yet Kentucky will rear to his me- 
morv a mairniticent mausoleum, — a votive monu- 
nient, — to mark the spot where his relics shall sleep, 
and to testify to succeeding generations that our Ke- 
public, however unjust it may too often be to living 
merit, will ever cherish a grateful remembrance of 



OF HENRY CLAY. 2G7 

the dead patriot, who dedicated his life to his conn- 
ti-y ; and with rare ability, lieroic firmness, and self- 
sacritieing constancy, devoted his talents and his time 
to the cause oi Patriotism, of Liberty, and of Triith.' 

"At the close of this address, the procession was 
formed, headed by a cavalcade of horsemen, prece- 
ding the hearse, which was followed by the Senate 
committee, and the deputation from New York, in 
carriages, as mourners; the Clay Guard, of Cincin- 
nati; the deputation of fourteen from Dayton, Ohio; 
the seventy-six from Louisville, and the citizens in 
the rear, — their march being under the funeral arches, 
and through the sombre street, — lined bv the silent 
multitude, — toward that place known to everv iidia- 
bitant of the Republic, and throughout the civilized 
world, as the home of the great commoner. 

" Who can fittingly speak of the agonized group 
awaiting at Ashland the arrival of the remains of 
him who had been husband, father, and the beloved 
master? That wife, who, for fifty-three years and 
upward, had been his faithful partner — sharer of 
his triumphs and of his many trials; whose saint- 
like virtues had secured to her the affection and 
veneration of all classes in the place where she was 
so well known ; herself more than threescore vears 
a sojourner on earth, having survived her parents 
and all her dauo;hters, with gallant sons mouldering- 
in the tomb, bending beneath the weight of this, her 
speechless sorrow; bowing with years, and broken in 
health, amid surviving children, grandchildren, and 
kindred; and gathering around them, the old and 



268 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



yoan<z: of their servants, awuited there the remains 
of \\vv liusband. 

"Guided bv the many torches, tlie train moved 
throuo-h the ^rronnds desio^ned and laid out under liis 
supervision. It was in truth a solemn, — a holy scene. 
Under the dark shadows of the spreading grove, 
trcadii!«: on a lawn wliere tlie wild flower, the myrtle, 
and the laurel were strangely mingled, they bore him 
toward that portal which liad last seen him depart 
near the close of the preceding year, impelled again 
to cross the mountains, and to tread the Halls of 
Coiu^ress, becanse there had come to him a rumor of 
a threatened resumption of sectional controversies. 

"They gently laid him beneath his own roof, and 
in that room where he had, for half a century, re- 
ceived the homage of countless thousands, represent- 
ing all classes and callings, — the gifted and the great 
of cither sex, — coming from every country, and tra- 
velling from all directions, to Lexington, that tney 
nnuht thus, in person, pay tribute to the worth, the 
genius, the [)atriotism, and surpassing excellence of 
the public and private character of the illustrious 

host. 

"Beside the bier were gathered his sons, some of 
his grandsons, and nephews; behind these the family 

servants. 

" The Clay Guard, of Cincinnati, solicited the honor 
of watching over his remains — this, the last night 
before sepulture. 

"For the deep hours of the night, — alone with him 
and lur God, — the widow knelt beside her husband's 
corpse. For that hour it was directed that she should 



OF HENRY CLAY. 269 

not be dipfurbed. In tliat hour what other lieart 
knew her thronains: memories of iovs and sorrows, 
Bave the spirit of tlie dead she longed to join. They 
had commenced too^ether tlie struo-o^les of life. To- 
gether they had planned their home, — together they 
had arranged their grounds, and with their own hands 
had planted the young shoots of wliat now were the 
stately trees of Ashland. Life had opened to them 
full of bright hope and promise that beUjng to youth, 
enero^v, and coinmandino; abilities. She had seen 
him leap into a dazzling greatness, reflecting honor 
and dignity upon his native land, lifting his young 
State to the front rank of her compeers, an.d confer- 
ring prosperity upon his country and her citizens, 
while he gave staliility and permanence to the insti- 
tutions and laws of the land, and cemented together 
the Union, as he ardently desired, prayed for, and 
labored ceaselessly to accomplish, from end to end, — 
from centre to circumference. There were born to 
them, in this happy home, eleven children — six 
dautrht-rs and live sons. Where are thev now? ]^o 
daui>;hter survived on whose breast that au'cd head 
could rest. Four sons only remained, and one a 
lunatic. 

''In that dread hour, throuirh her throno;ino^ mind 
passed the remembrance of a lifetime. She had the 
sympathy and regard of millions, and in that watch 
of the dead she was accompanied by the thoughts of 
countless thousands, who remembered what event the 
morrow was to commemorate in history. 

''Lono; before the dav had fairh" broke (Saturdav, 
July 10), e\avy avenue of approach to the city wua 
28* 



270 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



crowded hv those who came to Lexins^ton to render 
their last tribute to liim wlio had always, liviii2:, re- 
ceived their measureless devotion. It was computed 
that nearly one liundred thousand persons, of all 
classes and sexes, had come together on that memo- 
rable occasion. 

"At an early hour, those appointed to meet at 
Ashland had irathered toscether within the house : the 
})all-bcarers, his oldest and most distinguished friends 
in Kentucky, the Senate Committee, and the depu- 
tation from Xew York, his family and kindred. In 
front were arranged the deputations from other States 
from the Masonic fraternity, and a dense crowd were 
in a semi-circular array before the porch. Upon a 
bier, cushioned with flowers, and immediately in 
front of the door, they laid the iron coffin that in- 
closed the body of Henry Clay. Upon it shone a 
clear, cloudless sky. Upon the breast of it reposed 
the civic wreaths, while strewed around were the 
floral oflerings of every principal place from the Na- 
tional Capitol to the grave. 

"From WashiuG^ton to the tomb was one votive 
offering of wreaths of oak, immortelles, the cypress, 
the ivy, and tlie laurel, — bouquets of flowers of every 
species, and in wondrous profusion. It was no un- 
frequent sight to witness youth and beauty bend and 
presa their lips upon his sable shroud. Old men 
^\ould pause beside his iron case, and burst into un- 
controllable sobs. Early manhood and middle age, 
that had banked their liopes in him, and clung to him 
as their chieftain and their leader, to the last moment 
resisting the assured certainty that they were no more 



i 



OF HENRY CLAY. 271 

to listen to that silver voice, nor hang npon its tones, 
with speechless woe at length realized, that for the 
future, his memoiy and the preservation of his pa- 
triotic principles were their future charge. 

"His late colleagues in the Senate, — that reverend 
band of chosen intimates, who were honored as his 
pall-bearers, the New York delegation, and his familj^ 
kindred, grouped near the porch and within his 
dwelling; on the porch stood the minister of God, at 
whose hand he had received the sacrament, when last 
he was alive, within those halls, — the same minister 
who had baptized him, his children that were left to 
him, and the children of his dead son. Colonel Clay, 
— while all around the eye rested on his near friends 
and neighbors, who were there assembled, and yet 
without these, lines of people from many States, and 
the far-off counties of his own. 

"The funeral services were performed by the Rev. 
Edward F. Berkley, Rector of Christ Church, Lex- 
ington, who delivered the following address before 
the procession moved from Ashland : 

" My Friends: A nation's griefs are bursting forth 
at the fall of one of her noblest sons. 

"A mighty man' in wisdom, — in intellect, — in 
truth, lies in our presence to-day, insensible, inani- 
mate, and cold. The heart which once beat with a 
pure and lofty patriotism, shall beat no more. The 
renowned statesman, who was learned in the laws of 
diplomacy and government, will never again give his 
counsel in affairs of State. And the voice which was 
ever raised in behalf of truth and liberty, is silenced 
forever ! 



272 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

"Iiidnl2;e nie in n roninrk or two, while T ppoak of 
liim ; jiiid in consideration of the ])ei'son<d comfort 
of tliis ininicnse assemhlv, !n\ words sliall he few. 

''This is neitlier a projier phice nor a fit oc*rasio!i 
to dwell on the pecnliar and striking incidents of his 
piihlic life; and I mean to say a few words ou\y of 
his character as viewed in connection with religion. 

" AVe Ijave not come here to weave a garland of 
praises for the brow of the fallen statesman, nor to 
throw the incense of adnlation npon the urn which 
incloses his aslies; but we have come here to pay the 
last offices of respect and afiection to a neighbor and 
a friend ; and to draw, from the visitation which has 
stricken down one of the miglitiest of our mighty 
men, such lessons as are calculated to teach us 'what 
shadows we are, and what sliadows we pursue.' 

" Our venerated fiiend lias been before the public 
ej'e for half a century; and for nearly the whole of 
that period in the occupancy of high public [)laces. 
He has done tlie State great service. He combined 
in his character such elements as could make him no 
other man than he was, except that he n»iglit have 
been as great a soldier as he was a statesman and 
orator. But the crowninor excellence of all his vir- 
tues was this — he was a Christian. 

"As l)e wjis eminently open, candid, and honest, 
in liis long public career, so was he deeply sincere in 
his adoption, as the rule of his life, of the principles 
of our holy religion. 

"Althouuh the suns of seventv summers had shone 
down upt)n him before lie made a i>ublic ]>roft'ssion 
of Christ, yet, when he did make it, he did it, not 



OF HENRY CLAT. 273 

mechanically, and as a matter of course, because he 
was an old man, — he did it heartily, and upon con- 
viction, because he felt himself to be a sinner, and 
because he felt the need of a Saviour! And when he 
came to make inquiry, What shall I do ? and it was 
told him what he ought to do, — he did it gladly, — he 
made haste to fulfil the purposes of his heart! And 
his great mind being brought to the investigation of 
the pure and simple doctrines of the Cross, new 
beauties, in a new world, broke in upon bim, of the 
existence of which, to their full extent, he had never 
dreamed before. And I know that in times when 
he lay under the hand of disease, and of great bodily 
inlirmity, here at home, he clung to those doctrines, 
by a lively faith, as the highest consolation of his 
Boul. 

*' Although he had his Church preferences, yet the 
power and influence of the teachings of Christianity, 
rightly understood, gave rise to sympathies in his 
nature which extended to all Christian people. 

'' Surrounded as he was by the allurements and fas- 
cination of a high public place, nevertheless, he strove 
to walk in the pure and perfect way; and by a steady 
maintenance of the principles which bound him to 
religion and to (jod, like the eagle, with his eye fixed 
upon the sun, his course was onward and upward' 

*'And these principles, which our illustrious friend 
found so comforting and consoling in life, did not 
forsake him when he had nothins; else on earth to 
cling to. 

*'In reference to some of his last hours, a lad}^ con- 
nected with him by family, who recently spent seve- 

s 



2T4 T UK LI F K A N D T I M E S 

ral da3's at his bedside, writes: 'lie is longing to be 
gone, and said something of this kind to me, which 
caused me to ask him if he did not feel perfectly will- 
ing to wait until the Almighty called him. He re- 
plied, O, my dear child, do not misunderstand me, — 
I supplicate Ilim continually for patience to do so. I 
am ready to go, — no, not ready^ but willing. We are 
none of us ready. We cannot trust in our own 
merits, but must look to Him eiitirely.' 

"The writer adds: *He is the most gentle, patient, 
and affectionate sick person I almost ever saw, — 
thanks you for everything, and is as little trouble as 
he can possibly be.' 

"And this is the power of religion upon a vigorous 
and discriminating mind — a mind fully capable of 
meeting all the great emergencies which have ever 
arisen in its collisions with other great minds, at the 
bar, in the Senate, and in the forum. 

"And oh ! the recollection to mourning friends, 
and to a mourning country, is of the most consoling 
interest, that as in his life, by his genius and wisdom, 
he threw light, and peace, and blessing upon his 
country, so, in his death, the glorious Giver of grace 
and wisdom threw light, and peace, and blessing 
upon him, — borne upward, as he was, by the aspira- 
tions to heaven of a million hearts. 

" But his earthly career is run. Full of age and 
full of honors, he goes down to earth, to ashes, and 
to dust. A man of extraordinary genius; a man of 
the highest practical wisdom, possessing the largest 
powers of true eloquence — a pure patriot, a sincere 
Christian, and a friend of his race. 



OF HENRY CLAY. 275 

*^ His friends will grieve for him — the Church has 
lost him — his country will bewail him; and hereafter, 
when the passing traveller shall come to Ashland, 
and look for the bland, agreeable, and hospitable 
host, he will not find him here! His aged wife, who, 
for more than fifty years, has grieved with him in his 
sorrows, and rejoiced with him in his public success, 
shall go down unto the grave, mourning; and men 
in every civilized nation of the earth will shed a tear 
at the fell of such a man. But he has e;one to a 
brighter and a better world ; while this memorial 
shall remain of him here, that he was as simple and 
sincere in his religion, as he was great in wisdom and 
mighty in intellect. 

" God is no respecter of persons, l^either genius, 
nor wisdom, nor power, nor greatness can avert the 
fatal darts which fly thick and fast around us. If 
public services of the highest value, a fair fame which 
reaches to the utmost habitations of civilized man, 
and integrity as stern as steel, could have done this, 
a nation had not been in tears to-dav, 

"But the great and the humble, the useful and the 
useless, the learned and the ignorant, the mighty and 
the mean, the public and the private man, must all 
alike lie down in the cold chambers of the o-rave ! 
Death is the common leveller of men and of nations. 
Temples and monuments, which have been erectj^d 
to perpetuate the achievements of statesmen and of 
heroes in past ages, have been ruined and robbed of 
their grandeur by the insatiate tooth of time, — not a 
vestige remains of the glury that once covered vhe 



276 



THE LIFE AND TIMES 



earth, and not a stone to mark the spot where the 
master of the world was laid. 

"And this is the end of man ! This the ohpcnritv 
and oblivion to which he shall come at last! But his 
end may be worse than this, if he has no hope in the 
blessed Saviour's death. For whoever confides in 
the world for the bestowment of true happiness — 
whoever trusts to its gains, its pleasures, or its honors, 
to bring him peace at the last, will find himself mise- 
rably imposed upon, and grievously deluded. He 
will find that this misplaced confidence will involve 
him in ruin, as inevitable as it will be eternal ! 

"'Lean not on earth! 'twill pierce thee to the heart; — 
A broken reed at best, but oft a spear! 
On its sharp point, peace bleeds and hope expires.' 

"If we aspire to a true, a deathless immortality, let 
us not seek it in the praises of men, or in the enrol- 
ment of our name upon the page of history; for these 
all shall perish ! But let us seek, by obedience to 
God and a recognition of the claims of religion, to 
have our names written in the Bamb's Book of Life. 
This, and this only, will guarantee an immortality as 
imperishable as the heavens, and as certain as the 
Life of God. 

"The observation is almost universal, that 'all 
men think all men mortal but themselves.' And yet 
there is nothing more surely reserved for us iu the 
future than disease and dissolution. And these, lo*^, 
may, and very often do, come when we are least ex- 
pecting a disturbance of our plans. 

"The statesman falls with plans of future glory yet 



OF HENRY CLAY. 277 

Qtiaccompli^^lied ; the poet expires in the midst of his 
Bono;', and the niao;ic of his muse lino:ers on his dvinor 
lips; the sculptor drops his chisel before he has 
tr.uo-ht the marble to breathe, and the painter his 
pencil, while the livino^ figures on his canvas are yet 
unfinished; the sword slips from the hand of the 
warrior before the battle is won ; and the orator is 
silenced while the words of wisdom are yet dropping 
in sweetest accents from his lips. 

" 'I said, Ye are gods, and children of the Most 
High, but ye shall die like men.' 

"JS'o consideration can purchase a moment's respite 
when the decree shall go forth, 'This night thy soul 
shall be required of thee!' whether it be uttered at 
the doors of the stately mansion, or at the cot of the 
lowly poor. And not to be wisely and well prepared 
to hear this summons, is destructive of the best inte- 
rests of the soul. Happy they who have made a friend 
in God. Happy they who have done, and they who 
do, this in early life — the failing of which, in his case, 
our revered friend so often himself regretted — thrice 
happy they in whom greatness and goodness meet 
together. Imperishable j(^ys shall be awarded to 
them. They shall shine as stars in the firmament 
forever and ever. In each successive generation their 
'memory shall be blessed,' and their 'name be had 
in everlasting remembrance;' and, 'their conflicts 
o'er, their labors done,' the ransomed spirit shall 
escape from the prison that confines it to the earth, 
and the King of kings shall bind upon their victorious 
brow wreaths of unfading glory in that blessed place, 
24 



278 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

***AVhere pain, and weariness, and sorrow cease, 
And cloudless sunshine fills the land of peace.' 

" Our erreat friend and countrynian is dead ! lie has 
no more connection with the living world, and we are 
about to bear his honored remains to the beautiful spot 
where our own dead lie, and around which our me- 
mories love to linger. What to him, I ask you, are 
now the policy or the politics of the country? "What 
to him, now, are the nice points upon which turns 
the honor of the State? What to him, now, is the 
extension of empire? the rise or fall of nations? the 
dethronement or the establishment of kings? His 
work is done, and well done. As it is with him, so 
shall it shortly be with every one of us. Then, 

" * So live, that when thy summons comes to join 
The innumerable caravan that moves 
To the pale realm of shade, where each shall take 
His chamber in the silent halls of death, 
Thou go not, like the quarry-slave at night. 
Scourged to his dungeon ; but sustained and soothed 
By an unfaltering trust, approach thy grave 
Like one who wraps the drapery of his couch 
About him, and lies down to pleasant dreams.' 

*' One word more. The distinguished subject of 
our present attention has fallen a martyr to hi»s coun- 
try. The cause of his sickness and his death origin- 
ated in his last great efforts in securing the passage, 
throutrh Cono:ress, of certain measures, known as The 
Compromise. In more senses than one may he receive 
the heavenly welcome, 'Well done, good and faith- 
ful servant.' His love of country — his enthusiasm in 
any cause in which her interests were involved — his 



OF HENRY CLAY. 279 

great and singular powers — his wonderful and con- 
trolling influence over even great minds, marked him 
as the man of the age, and adapted him, in a pecu- 
liar manner, to act and lead in grave matters of Gov- 
ernment. 

*' And if, in the future, any one section of this great 
Republic should be arrayed in hostility against an- 
other, and any cruel hand shall be uplifted to sever 
the bonds which unite us together as a common 
people — the Genius of Liberty shall come down in 
anguish and in tears, and throwing herself prostrate 
before his tomb, implore the Mighty Ruler of nations 
— for the preservation of our institutions, and the 
protection of our liberty and of our Union — to raise 
up from his ashes, another Clay. 

*' The marshals of the day then formed the long 
procession, which moved from Ashland, through Lex- 
ington, to the cemetery at the north of the city, where 
were deposited the remains of Hexry Clay, "to rest 

UNTIL THE MORNING OF THE RESURRECTION." 

The life and career of Henry Clay, when taken as 
a whole, notwithstanding his several defeats and dis- 
appointments, was a grand and magnificent success. 
lie, more emphatically than any other man, was, and 
will continue to be, the great representative of Ame- 
rican statesmen and orators. Inferior he may have 
been to Webster as a jurist, to Van Buren as a tac- 
tician, to Calhoun as a logician, to John Quincy Adams 
as a man of letters; but he was superior to them all 
when regarded as a single intelleclual entity; the ag- 
gregate mass of his fiiculties was more varied and im- 
posing, and the incidents of his public career were 



280 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

niore remarkable and striking, tlian those of any of 
his contemporaries. Let us, in conclusion, take a very 
"brief survey of bis wbole personalit}', and glance at 
those qualities and characteristics which gave him 
so marvellous a bold upon the admiration of bis 
countrymen. 

In person, Mr. Clay was tall and well-proportioned; 
possessing all those physical advantages which are 
desirable for the orator, and which contribute to his 
supremacy and success. Among these peculiarities 
there was one in which he excelled all his rivals and as- 
sociates, and which was one of the most effectual agents 
of his power. lie possessed a voice of the most me- 
lodious tone, of the greatest flexibility, and of the 
widest compass; and so remarkable was liis skill in 
using it, that by its witclier}- he often succeeded in 
gaining the co-operation of adverse Senators and 
lukewarm partisans, when the case seemed otherwise 
hopeless, and far beyond the reach of any ordinary 
influence. His natural talents were of the hiicliest 
order, of the class to which they belonged. Tliese 
were the peculiar faculties which rendered him a 
natural orator; but itjnust not be inferred, from this 
fact, that he had not cultivated these gifts with as- 
siduous care. The contrary was the fact; and few 
actors on tlie scenic staii^e ever attained e:reater skill 
than he, in all the arts of declamation, and the graces 
of delivery. His eloquence was admirably' adapted 
both to the popular assembl}', to the halls of legisla- 
tion, and to the bar. As a lawyer, his chief supe- 
riority consisted in the prodigious influence and 
power which he exercised over a jury. He could 



OF HENRY CLAY. 281 

toiidi all the springs of hnman feeling and emotion 
\vitli master]}- skill ; and cause them to flow forth, at 
his will, in an abundant and obedient torrent. His 
leo^al knowledo;e was sufiicient for all the exi2:encies 
of his practice; and his natural powers of compre- 
liension and acquisition were so great, that even a 
little learnins: became much more available with 
him, than a much profounder and richer store, in the 
minds and nK^uths of other less gifted competitors; 
while itlso, his superior mental grasp enabled him 
easiU' and quickly to master the law involved in all 
the particular cases which came within the range of 
his professional duties. 

But the scene of Mr. Clay's greatest glory was the 
Senate chamber of the Federal Government, and that 
especially on great and perilous crises in his country's 
history-. No man understood better than he how to 
lead on and to marshal, to the best advantage, the 
forces of his own part}^; and how to assail, confound, 
and conc[uer the leaders of the adverse faction. Every 
species of oratory was at his command, and ready for 
use, as occasion might demand ; and argument, ridi- 
cule, illustration, narrative, wit, repartee, sarcasm, in- 
vective — all were within his reach, at a moment's 
warning. And when mere eloquence, when the art 
of the consummate rhetorician failed, in some mo- 
ment of real peril to the interests and welfare of his 
country; and when deeds and not words became the 
only essential and indispensable means of averting 
disaster, and perpetuating the liberties which were so 
inestimable — then Henry Clay ascended in the scale 
of iDtellectual power and grandeur, and expanded 
24* 



282 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

from tlie simple orator to the sublime proportions of 
the statesman. It was he who, in sne-h crises, wag 
unrivalled in the fertility with which he devised, the 
prom])titnde with which he proposed, and the hero- 
ism with which he advocated, those resolute and 
honorable measures which were calculated to avert 
dan,2:er, to secure unity, and to perpetuate the pros- 
peritv and irlorv of the nation. In this hisrh and 
noble function, this vast Confederacy, prolific as it 
has been, and is, in talented and capable men, has 
never yet produced the equal of Henry Clay; who 
seemed to have been adapted by every physical, 
mental, and social qualification which he possessed, 
to win and forever retain the first place amons: the 
statesmen and orators of the land of his birth. What 
Demosthenes was to Athens, what Cicero became to 
Rome, what William Pitt Avas to England, such wag 
Henry Clay to the great Republic of the Western 
World ; and as such, he will be enshrined in the 
memory and affections of the millions yet unborn, 
who shall successively rise and figure oii this grand 
stage of action, till the latest period of recorded time. 

Subsequent lo the burial of Henry Clay, John J. 
Crittenden was requested by the citizens of Louisville, 
Kentucky, to pronounce a eulogy upon his life and 
character. He com[)lied with the invitation ; and on 
the 29th of September, 1852, delivered the f )ll()wing 
elaborate and masterly address to an immense assem- 
blage in that city; wliich we here insert, as furnish- 
ing an appropriate conclusion of this record of Mr. 
Clay's memorable career: 

"Ladies and Gentlemen: — I am very sonsible 



' OF HENRY CLAY. 283 

of the difficulty and magnitude of the task which I 
have undertaken. I am to address you in comme- 
moration of the public services of Henry Chiy, and 
in celebration of his obsequies. His death filled his 
whole country with mourning; and the loss of no 
citizen, save the Father of his Country, has ever i)ro- 
duced such manifestations of the e'rief and homai>:e 
of the public heart. His history has indeed been read 
*in a nation's eyes.' A nation's tears proclaim, with 
their silent eloquence, its sense of the national loss. 
Kentucky has more than a common share in this 
national bereavement. To her it is a domestic a'rief 
— to her belongs the sad privilege of being the chief 
mourner. He was her favorite son, her pride, and 
her glory. She mourns for him as a mother. But 
let her not mourn as those who have no hope of con- 
solation. She can find the richest and the noblest 
sohice in the memory of her son, and of his great 
and good actions ; and his fame will come back, like 
a comforter from his grave, to wipe away her tears. 
Even while she weeps for him, her tears shall be min- 
gled with the proud feelings of triumph which his 
name will inspire; and Old Kentucky, from the 
depths of her afiectionate and heroic heart, shall ex- 
claim, like the Duke of Ormond, when informed that 
his brave son had fallen in battle, ' I would not ex- 
change my dead sou for any living son in Christen- 
dom.' 

"From these same abundant sources we may hope 
that the widowed partner of his life, who now sits in 
sadness at Ashland, will derive some pleasing conso- 
lation. I presume not to offer any words of comfort 



284 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

of my own. Her grief is too sacred to permit me to 
use that privilege. 

" Yoii, sons and daughters of Kentucky, have as- 
sembled here to commemorate his life and death. 
IIow can I address vou soitahlv on such a theme? 
I feel the opj>ressive consciousness that I cannot do 
it in terms adequate to the suhject, or to your excited 
feelings. I am no orator, nor have I come here to 
attempt any idle or vainglorious display of words; 
I come as a plain Kentuckian, who, sympathizing in 
all your feelings, presents you with this address, as 
his poor offering, to be laid upon that altar which 
you are here erecting to the memory of Henry Clay. 
Let it not be judged according to its own value, but 
according to the spirit in which it is offered. 

" It would be no difficult task to address you, on 
this occasion, in the extravagant and rhetorical lan- 
guage that is usual in funeral orations. But my sub- 
ject deserves a different treatment. The monumental 
name of Henry Clay rises above all mere personal 
favor and flattery ; it rejects them, and challenges the 
scrutiny and the judgment of the world. The noble 
use to which his name should be applied, is to teach 
his country, by his example, lessons of public virtue 
and political wisdom ; to teach patriots and states- 
men how to act, how to live, and how to die, I can 
but glance at a subject that spreads out in such bright 
and boundless expanse before me. 

**IIenrv Clay lived in a m(')3t eventful period, and 
the history of his life for forty years has been literally 
that of his country. He was so identified with the 
Government for more than two-thirds of its exist- 



or HEXRT CLAY. 285 

ence, that during tliat time hardly any act. which has 
redt.unded to its honor, its prosperity, its present 
rank among the nations of the earth, can be spoken 
of without calling to mind, involimtanly, rhe linea- 
ments of his noble person. It would be difficult to 
determine whether in peace or in war; in the tield 
of legislation or of diplomacy; in the spring- tide of 
his life, or in its golden ebb, he won the highest 
honor. It can be no disparagement to any one of his 
contemporaries to say, that, in all the points of practi- 
cal statesmanship, he encountered no superior in any 
of the employments which his constituents or his 
country conferred upon him. 

''For the reason that he had been so much and so 
constantly in the public eye, an elaborate review of 
his life will not be expected of me. All that I shall 
attempt will be to sketch a few leadinor traits, which 
may serve to give those who have had fewer opportu- 
nities of observation than I had, something like a 
just idea of his public character and services. If, in 
doing this, I speak more at large of the earlier than 
of the later period of his life, it is because, in re«-ard 
to the former, though of vast consequence, inter- 
vening years have thrown them somewhat in the back- 
ground. 

"Passing by, therefore, the pnor service of Mr. Clay 
in the Senate for brief periods in 1806 and 'lO-'ll, J 
come at once to his Speakership in the House of Re- 
presentatives, and his consequent agencv in the wax 
of ISli!. 

**To that war our country is indebted for mucli of 
the security, freedom, prosperity, and reputation 



28G THE LIFE AND T I M E S 

which it now enjoys. It has been truly said by one 
of the living actors in that perilous era [Hon. Mr. 
I\ush], that the very act of going to war was heroic. 
By the supremacy of the naval power of England, 
the fleets of all Europe had been swept from the seas; 
the hanne/" of the United States alone floated in soli- 
tarv fearlessness. Ens^land seemed to encircle the 
earth with her navies, and to be the undisputed mis- 
tress of the ocean. We went out upon the deep with 
a sling in our hands. When, in all time, were such 
fearful odds seen as we had as^ainst us? 

"The events of the war \\ith Eng:land, so memo- 
rable, and even wonderful, are too flimiliar to all to 
require any particular recital on that occasion. Of 
that war — of its causes and consequences — of its dis- 
asters, its bloody battles, and its glorious victories by 
land and sea, history and our own official records have 
given a faithful narrative. A just national pride has 
engraven that narrative upon our hearts. But even 
in the fiercest conflicts of that war, there was notliing 
more truly heroic than the declaration of it by 
Con ogress. 

"Of tliat declaration — of the incidents, personal 
influences, and anxious deliberations which preceded 
and led to it — the history is not so well or generally 
known. The more it is known, the more it will 
appear how important was the part that Mr. Clay 
acted, and how much we are indebted to him for all 
the glorious and beneficial issues of the declaration 
of that war, which has not inappropriately been called 
the Second War of Independence. 

"The public grounds of the war w^ere the injustice, 



OF HENRY CLAY. 287 

injury, and insults inflicted on the United States by 
the Government of Great Britain, then engaijed in a 
war of maritime edicts with France, of which the 
commerce of the United States was the victim; our 
merchant ships being captured by British cruisers on 
every^sea, and coniiscated hy her courts, in utter con- 
tempt of the rights of this nation as an independent 
power. Added to this, and more ofiensive than even 
these outrages, was the arrogation by the same power 
of a right to search American vessels, for the purpose 
of impressing seamen from vessels sailing under the 
American flag. Tliese aggressions upon our national 
rights constituted, undoubtedly, justiflable cause of 
war. With equal justice on our part, and on the same 
grounds (impressment of seamen excepted), we should 
have been warranted in declaring war against France 
also ; but common sense (not to speak of policy) for- 
bade our engaging with two nations at once, and dic- 
tated the selection, as an adversary, of the one that 
had power, which the other had not, to carry its ar- 
bitrary edicts into full effect. The war was really, on 
our part, a war for national existence. 

"Wi.en Congress assembled in November, ISll, 
the crisis was upon us. But, as may be readily ima- 
gined, it could be no easy matter to nerve the heart 
of Ct)ngre>s, all unprepared for the dread enconnter, 
to take the step, which there could be no retracing, 
of a declaration of war. 

"Nor could that task, in all probability, ever have 
been accomplished, but for the concurrence, purely 
accidental, of two circumstances; the one, the [)re- 
sence of Henry Clay in the Chair of the popular 



288 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

brnnoli of the Xational Legislature, and tlie otiier, 
that of James Monroe, as Secretary of State, in the 
Executive Administration of the Government. 

*' Mr. Monroe had returned but a year or two before 
from a ocMirse of public service abroad, in uhich, as 
Minister Plenipotentiary, he liad represented the 
United States at the several courts, in succession, of 
France, Spain, and Great Britain. From the last of 
these missions he had come home thr)rou2rhly dis- 
gusted with the contemptuous manner in which the 
rights o^ the United States were treated bv the bel- 
liirerent Powers, and especially by Eiiizland. This 
treatment, which even extended to the personal inter- 
course between their Ministers and thePepresentative? 
of this country, he considered as indicative of a set- 
tled determinaticMi on their parts — presuming upon 
the supposed incapacity of this Government for war 
— to reduce to system a course of conduct calculated 
to debase and prostrate us in the eyes of the world. 
Eeasoninir thus, he had brouo;ht his mind to a serious 
and firm conviction, that the rights of the United 
States, as a nation, would never be respected by the 
Powers of the Old World, until this Government sum- 
moned up resolution to rosiV;t such usage, not by ar- 
guments and protests merely, but by an a])]>eal to 
arms. Full of this sentiment. Mr. IMonroe was called, 
upon a casual vacancy, when it was least expected by 
himself or the country, to the head of the Dopai't- 
ment of State. That sentiment, and the feelings 
which we have thus accounted for, ]\Ir. Monroe soon 
communicated to his associates in the Cabinet, 
and, in some degree, it might well be supposed, to 



OF HENRY CLAY. 289 

the groat statesman then at the head of the Gov- 
ernment. 

" The tone of President Madison's first messaire to 
Congress (November 5, 1811), a few months only 
after Mr. Monroe's accession to the Cabinet, can leave 
hardly a doubt in an}' mind of such having been the 
case. That message was throughout of the gravest 
cast, reciting the aggressions and aggravations of 
Great Britain, as demanding resistance, and urging 
upon Congress the duty of putting the country *into 
an armor and an attitude demanded by the crisis, and 
corresponding with the national spirit and expec- 
tations.' 

"It was precisely at this point of time that Mr. 
Cla}^ liaving resigned his seat in the Senate, ap- 
peared on the floor of the House of Representatives, 
and was chosen, almost by acclamation, Speaker of 
that body. From that moment he exercised an in- 
fluence in a great degree personal, which materially 
atfected, if it did not control, the judgment of the 
House. Among the very flrst acts which devolved 
upon him, by virtue of his office, was the appointment 
of the committees raised upon the Piesident's mes- 
sage. Upon the Select Committee of nine members, 
to which was referred 'so much of tlie messacre as 
relates to our foreign relations,' he ai;)pointed a largo 
proportion from among the fast friends of the Ad- 
ministration, n-early all of them being new members, 
and younger than himself, though lie was not then 
more than thirty-five years of age. It is impossible, 
at this dav, to call to mind the names of which this 
committee was composed (Porter, Calhoun, and 
25 T 



290 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

Grundy being the first named among them), without 
coming to the conclusion that the committee wae con- 
stituted with a view to the event predetermined in 
the mind of the Speaker. There can be no quo^T'Oii 
that when, quitting the Senate, Mr. Clay entered the 
Representative body, he had become satisfied that, 
by the continued encroachments of Great Britain on 
our national rights, the choice of the country was 
narrowed down to war or submission. Between these 
there could be no hesitation, in such a mind as that 
of Mr. Clay, which to choose. In this emergency he 
acted for his country, as he would, in a like case, have 
acted for himself. Desiring and cultivating the good 
will of all, he never shrank from any personal re- 
sponsibilit}', nor cowered before any danger. More 
than a year before his accession to the House of Re- 
presentatives he had, in a debate in the Senate, taken 
occasion to say, that 'he most sincerely desired peace 
and amity with England; that he even preferred an 
adjustment of all ditierences with her, to one with 
any other nation; but, if she persisted in a denial of 
justice to us, he trusted and hoped that all hearts 
would unite in a bold and vie-orous vindication of 
our rights.' It was in this brave spirit, animated to 
increased fervency by intervening aggressions from 
the same quarter, that Mr. Clay entered into the 
House of Representatives. 

"Early in the second month of the session, availing 
himself of the right then freely used by the Speaker 
to enofasfe in discussions while the House was in 
Committee of the Whole, he dashed into the debates 
upon the measures of military and naval preparation 



OF HENRY CLAY, 291 

recommended b}' the President, and reported npon 
favorably by the oonimittee. He avowed, without 
reserve, that the object of this preparation was war, 
and war with Great Britain. 

In these debates he show^ed his familiarity with 
all the weapons of popular oratory. In a tempest of 
eloquence, in which he wielded alternately argument, 
persuasion, remonstrance, ridicule, and reproach, he 
swept before him all opposition to the high resolve to 
which he exhorted Congress. To the argument (for 
example) against preparing for a war with England, 
founded upon the idea of her being engaged, in her 
conflict with France, in fighting the battles of the 
world, he replied that such a purpose would be best 
achieved by a scrupulous observance of the riglits of 
others, and by respecting that public law which she 
professed to vindicate. " Then,'" said he, "she would 
command the sympathies of the world. But what 
are ive required to do, by those who would engage 
our feelings and wishes in her behalf? To bear the 
actual cuffs of her arrogance, that we may escape a 
chimerical French subjugation. We are called upon 
to submit to debasement, dishonor, and disgrace ; to 
bow the neck to royal insolence, as a course of pre- 
paration for manly resistance to Gallic invasion ! 
What nation, what individual, was ever taught in the 
schools of ignominious submission these patriotic lessons 
of freedom and independence!" And to the argu- 
ment that this Government was unfit for anv war but 
a war against invasion — so signally since disproved 
by actual events — he exclaimed, with characteristic 
vehemence, " What ! is it not equivalent to invasion, 



292 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

if the month of our harbors and outlets nrc IHocked 
up, and we are denied eirress from our owji waters? 
Or, wlien the burglar is at our door, sliall we bnivel}^ 
sally forth and repel Ins felonious entrance, or meanly 
skulk within the cells of the castle? What! shall it 
be said that our amor patriae is located at these desks; 
that we pu»illanimously cling to our seats here, rather 
than boldly vindicate the most inestimable rights of 
our country ? " 

While in debate upon other occasions, at nearly 
the same time, he showed how well he could reason 
upon a question which demanded argument rather 
than declamation. To his able suftport of the propo- 
sition of Mr. Cheves to add to our then small but 
gallant navj- ten frigates, may be ascribed the success, 
though by a lean majority, of that proposition. Ke- 
plying to the objection urged with zeal by certain 
members, that navies were dangerous to liberty, he 
arirued that the source of this alarm was in themselves. 
*' Gentlemen fear," said he, "that if we provide a 
marine, it will produce collision with foreign nations, 
plunge us into war, and ultimately overturn the Con- 
stitution of the country. Sir, if you wish to avoid 
foreign collision, you had better abandon the ocean, 
eurrender ah your commerce, give up all your pros- 
perity. It is the thing protected, not the instrument 
of protection, that involves you in war. Commerce 
engenders collision, collision war, and war, the argu- 
ment supposes, leads to despotism. Would the coun- 
sels of that statesman be deemed wise, who would 
recommend that the nation should be unarmed; tliat 
the art of war, the martial spirit and martial exercises, 



OF HENKT CLAY. 293 

Blionlfl be prohibited; who shonld declare, in a word, 
thai the great body of the people should be taught 
that national happiness was to be found in perpetual 
peace alone ?" 

While Mr. Clay, in the Capitol, was with his 
trumpet tongue rousing Congress to prepare for war, 
Mr. Monroe, the Secretary of State, gave his powerful 
co-(^peration, and lent the Nestor-like sanction of his 
a2:e and experience to the bold measures of his young 
and more ardent compatriot. It was chiefly through 
ttieir fearless influence that Congress was gradually 
warmed up to a war spirit, and to the adoption of 
8ome preparatory measures. But no actual declara- 
tion of war had yet been proposed. There was a 
strong opposition in Congress, and the President, 
Mr. Madison, hesitated to recommend it, only because 
he doubted whether Congress was yet sufficiently 
determined and resolved to maintain such a declara- 
tion, and to maintain it to all the extremities of war. 
The influence and counsel of Mr. Clay again pre- 
vailed. He w^aited upon the President, at the head 
of a deputjition of members of Congress, and assured 
him of the readiness of a majority of Congress to 
vote tlie war if recommended by him. Upon this the 
President immediately recommended it by his mes- 
sage to Congress of the first Monday of June, 1812. 
A bill declaring war with Great Britain soon follow^ed 
in Congress, and, after a discussion in secret session 
for a few davs, became a law. Then bes^an the war. 
When the doors of the House of Representatives 
were opened, the debates which liad taken place in 
secret session were spoken of and repeated; and it 
25* 



204 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

apponred, ai^ mnst "have been expected by oil, tliat 
Mr. Clay had been the great defender and champion 
of the declaration of war. 

Mr. Clay continued in the House of Representa- 
tives for some time after the commencement of the 
war, and baving assisted in doing all that could be 
done for it in the way of legislation, was withdrawn 
from bis position in Congress to share in the delibe- 
rations of the great conference of American and Bri- 
tish Commissioners held at Ghent. His part in that 
convention was such as might liave been expected 
from bis course in Congress — bigb-toned and bigb- 
Bpirited, despairing of nothing. 

I need not add, but for form, that acting in this 
spirit, Mr. Clay and bis patriotic and able associates 
succeeded beyond all the bopes at that time enter- 
tained tit home, in making a treaty wbich, in putting 
a stop to tlie war, if it did not accomplish everything 
contended for, saved and secured at all points the 
honor of the United States. 

Thus began and ended tbe war of 18l2. On our 
part it was just and necessary, and, in its reL'ilts, 
eminently beneficial and honorable. 

The benefits of it have extended to all tlie w 'rid; 
for in vindicating; our own maritime rii^-hts, we .sta- 
blished the freedom of the seas to all nations and 
eince then no one of them bas arrogated or exei ised 
any supremacy upon that ocean, given by tb(^ Al- 
■mighty as tlie common and equal inheritance of all. 
To Henry Clay, as its chief mover and author, 
belongs the statesman's portion of the glory of that 
war; and to tbe same Henry Clay, as one of tbe 



OF HENRY CLAY. 295 

makers and signers of the treaty by which it was ter- 
niinatecl, belong the blessings of the peacemaker. 
His crown is made up of the jewels of peace and of 
war. 

Prompt to take up arms to resent our wrongs and 
vindicate our national rights, the return of peace was 
yet gladly hailed by the whole country. And well it 
might be. Our military character, at the lowest 
point of degradation when we dared the fight, had 
been retrieved ; the national honor, insulted at all 
the courts of Europe, had been redeemed ; the free- 
dom of the seas secured to our flag and all who sail 
under it; and, what was most influential in inspiring 
confidence at home and assuring respect abroad, was 
the demonstration, by the result of fhe late conflict, 
of the competency of this Government for effective 
war, as it had before proved itself for all the duties 
of a season of peace. 

The Congress which succeeded the war, to a seat 
in which Mr. Clay w^as elected while yet abroad, ex- 
hibited the features of a national jubilee, in place of 
the gravity and almost gloom which had settled on 
the countenance of the same body during the latter 
part of the war and of the conferences of Ghent. Joy 
shone on every face. Justly has that period been 
termed "the era of good feeling." Again placed in 
the chair of the House of Kepresentatives, and all- 
important questions being then considered as in Com- 
mittee of the Whole, in which the Speaker descends 
to the floor of the House, Mr. Clay distinguished 
himself in the debates upon every question of interest 
that came up, and was the author, during that and 



206 TIIR LIFE AND TIMES 

followinc: Congresses, of more important measures 
than it has been the fortune of anv other member, 
either then or since, to liave his iiame identified with. 

It would exceed tlie proper limits of this discourse 
to particularize all those measures. I can do iio more 
than refer to a verj- few of them which have become 
landmarks in the liistorv of our countrv. 

First in order of these was his orii^ination of the 
jBrst proposition for a recognition of the independence 
of the States of South America, then struggling for 
liberty. This was on the 24th of March,' 1818. It 
was on that da\' that he iirst formally presented the 
' proposition to the House of Representatives. But 
neither the President nor Congress was then prepared 
for a measure so bold and decisive; and it was re- 
jected by a large majority of the House, though advo- 
cated and urged by him with all the vehemence and 
power of his unsurpassed ability and eloquence. Un- 
daunted by this defeat, he continued to pursue the 
subject with all the intlexible enerirv of his character. 
On the 3d of April, 1820, he renewed his proposition 
for the recognition of South American independence, 
and finally succeeded, against strong opposition, not 
only in passing it through the House of Representa- 
tives, but in inducing that body to adopt tlie em- 
phatic and extraordiiiary course of sending it to the 
President by a committee, specially appointed for the 
pur[K)se. Of that committee Mr. Clay was the chair- 
man, and, at its head, performed the duty assigned 
them. In the year 1822 Mr. Clay's noble exertions 
on this great subject were crowned with com{)lete 
success, by the l^rcsident's formal recognitiou of 



^ 



OF HENRY CLAY. 297 

South Ameriean independence, with the sanction of 
Cons^ress. 

It requires some little exertion, at this da}', to 
turn our minds back, and contemplate the vast im- 
portance of the revolutions then in progress in S(Mitli 
America, as the subject was then presented, witl) tdl 
the uncertainties and perils tliat surrounded it. Tliose 
revokitions constituted a orreat movement in the ruoral 
and political world. By their results great interests 
and great principles throughout the civilized world, 
and especially in our own countrj', might and proba- 
bly would be materially affected. 

Mr. Clay comprehended the crisis. Its magnitude 
and its character were suited to his temper, and to 
his great intellect. lie saw before him, throughout 
the vast continent of South America, the people of 
its various States, or provinces, struggling to cast off 
that Spanish oppression and tyranny which f(U' three 
hundred years had weighed them down, and seeking 
to reclaim and re-establish their long-lost liberty and 
independence. He saw them not onlv struiri^-lini;. but 
succeeding; and with their naked hands breaking 
their chains, and driving their oppressors before them. 
But the conflict was not yet over; S[)aiji still conti- 
nued to wage formidable and desperate hostilities 
against her colonies, to reduce them to submission. 
Thev were still strutro-lino^ and hleedino^, and the re- 
Bult yet depended on the uncertain issue of war. 

What a spectacle was there presented to the con^ 
tem{)hition of the world ! The prime o! ject of atten- 
tion and interest there to be seen was 7iian bravely 
struygling for liberty. That was enough for Henry 



298 THELIFEANDTIMES 

Clay. Ills generous soul overflowed with sympathy. 
But tliis was not all ; there were graver and higher 
considerations that belonged to the subject, and these 
were all felt and appreciated by Mr. Clay. 

If South America was resubjngated by Spain, 
she would, in effect, become European, and relapse 
into tlie system of European policy — the system of 
leo-itimacv, monarchv, and absolutism ; on the other 
hand, if she succeeded in establishing her independ- 
ence, the principle of free institutions would be esta- 
blished with it, and republics kindred to our own 
would rise up to protect, extend, and defend the 
riii'hts and liberties of mankind. 

It was not, then, a mere struggle between Spain 
and her colonies. In its consequences, at least, it 
went much farther, and, in effect, was a contest be- 
tween the great antagonist principles and systems of 
arbitrary European governments and of free Ameri- 
can governments. Whether the millions of people 
who inhabited or were to inhabit. South America, 
were to become the victims and the instruments of 
the arbitrary principle, or the supporters of the free 
principle, wns a question of momentous consequence 
now and in all time to come. 

With these views Mr. Clay, from sympathy and 
policy, embraced the cause of South American inde- 
pendence. He proposed no actual intervention in 
her behalf, but he wished to aid her with all the 
moral power and encouragement that could be given 
by a welcome recognition of her by the Government 
of the United States. 

To him belongs the distinguished honor of being 



OF HENRY CLAY. 299 

first among the statesmen of the world to espouse and 
plead the cause of South America, and to propose and 
urge the recognition of her independence. And his 
own country is indebted to him for the honor of being 
the first nation to ofi*er tliat recoo^nition. 

When the magnitude of the subject, and the 
weiglity interest and consequences attached to it, are 
considered, it seems to me that there is no more 
palmy day in the life of Mr. Clay than that in wlwch, 
at the head of his committee, he presented to the Pre- 
sident the resolution of the House of Representatives 
in favor of the recognition of South American inde- 
pendence. On that occasion he appears in all the 
Bublimity of his nature; and the statesman, invested 
with all the sympathies and feelings of humanity, is 
enlarged and elevated into the character of the friend 
and guardian of universal liberty. 

How far South America mav have been aided 

a/ 

or influenced in her struggles by the recognition of 
our Government, or by the noble appeals which Mr. 
Clay had previously addressed, in her behalf, to Con- 
gress and to the world, I cannot say; but it is known 
that those speeches were read at the head of her 
armies, and that grateful thanks were returned. It 
is not too much to suppose that he exercised great in- 
fluence in her affairs and destinies. 

Years after the first of Mr. Clay's noble exertions 
in tlie cause of South America, and some time after 
those exertions had led the G-ovcrnmentof the United 
States to recognize the new States of South America, 
they were also recognized by the Government of. 
Great Britain ; and Mr. Canning, her minister, there* 



300 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

iipi^n took occasion to say, in the ITonse of Com- 
mons, '• tlicre (allnding to Soutli America), I have 
called a new world into existence!" That was a vain 
boast. If it can be said of any man, it must be said 
of Henry Clay that he called that "new world into 
existence I " * 

^Ir. Clay was the Father of the policy of internal 
improvement h}' the General Government. The ex- 
pediency of such legislation had indeed been sug- 
gested, in one of his later annual messages to Con- 
gress, by President Jefferson, and that suggestion 
was revived by President Madison in the last of his 
annual messaoces. The late Bank of the United 
States having been then just established, a bill passed 
in supposed conformity to Mr. Madison's recommen- 
dation, for setting aside the an.nual bonus to be paid 
by the Bank, as a fund for the purposes of internal 
improvement This bill Mr. Madison very unexpect- 
edly, on the last da}' of the term of his office, returned 
to the House of Kepresentatives without his signa- 
ture, assio:ninij the reasons for his withholdiuii: it — rea- 
sons which related rather to the form than the sub- 
stance — and recommending an amendment to the 
Constitution to confer upon Congress the necessary 
power to carry out that policy. This l)ill, of course, 
fell throu2:h for that session. While this bill was on 
its passage, Mr. Clay had spoken in favor of it, de- 
claring^ his own decided opinion in favor of the con- 
etitutionality and expediency of the measure. Mr. 






* See Mr. Rush's letter to Mr. Clay, 1st vol. Colton's Life of 
U.P!ury Clay. 



OF liEN R Y CLAY. 301 

^Nfonroe, immediatelj sncceeding Mr. Marlison in the 
Presidency, introduced into his lirst annual niessasre 
a declaration, in advance of any proposition on the 
subject, of a settled conviction on his niijid that Con- 
gress did not possess the right to enter upon a system 
of internal improvement. But for this declaration, 
it may be doubled that the subject would have been 
again agitated so soon after Mr. Madison's veto. 
The threat of a recurrence to that resort by the new 
President, roused up a spirit of defiance in the popu- 
lar branch of Congress, and especially in the lion 
heart of Mr. Chiy ; and, by his advice and counsel, a 
resolution was introduced, declarincr that Cons^ress 
has power, under the Constitution, to make a};)pro- 
priations for the construction of military roads, post 
roads, and canals. Upon this proposition, in com- 
mittee of the whole House, Mr. Clay attacked, with 
all his powers of argument, wit, and raillery, the in- 
terdiction in the message. He considered that the 
question was now one between the Executive, on the 
one hand, and the Representatives of the people on 
the other, and that it was so understood by the coun- 
try ; that if, by the communication of his opinion to 
Congress, the President intended to prevent discus- 
sion, he had '• most wofully failed;" that in having 
(Mr. Clay had no doubt with the best motives) volun- 
teered his opinions upon the subject, he had " inverted 
the order of legislation, by beginning where it should 
end;" and, after an able and unanswerable argument 
on the question of the power, concluded by saying: 
" If we do notldng tJiis session but pans an abatract reso- 
lution on the subject^ I shall, under all circumstauces, 
26 



302 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

consider it a ti-ininj'lj for the best interests of the 
coniitrv, of wliit-h posterity will, if we do not, reap 
the bcneiit." And the abstract resolution did pass, 
by a vote of ninety to seventy-five; and a triumph it 
^vas which Mr. Clay had every riglit to consider aa 
his own, and all the more grateful to his feelings, be- 
cause he had hardly hoped for it. 

Referring to the final success, at a distance of 
thirty-five years, of tlie principle tlius established, in 
the recent passage by Congress of the act for the im- 
provement of certain of the ports and harbors and 
navigable rivers of the countr}^ let "Posterity" not 
forget, on this occasion, to what honored name is uiv- 
doubtcdly due the credit of the first legislative asser- 
tion of the power. 

Mr. Clay was, perhaps, the only man since Wash- 
ington who could have said, with entire truth, as he 
did, " I had rather be right than be President."' Honor 
and patriotism were his great and distinguishing 
traits. The first had its spring and support in liis 
fearless spirit; the second, in his peculiar American- 
ism of sentiment. It was those two principles which 
ever threw his whole soul into every ct)ntest where 
the public interest was deeply involved, and, above 
all, into ever}' question which in the least menaced 
the integrity of the Union. This last was, with him, 
the ark of the covniant ; and he was ever as ready to 
peril his own life in its defence, as he was to pro- 
nounce the doom of a traitor on any one who would 
dare to touch it with hostile hands. It was the ardor 
of this devotion to his country', and to the sheet* 
anchor of its liberty and safety, the Union of the 



OF HENRY CLAY. 308 

States, that rendered him so conspicuous in every 
conflict that threatened either the one or tlie other 
with harm. All are familiar with his more recent, 
indeed his last great struggle for his country, when 
the foundation of the Union trembled under the 
fierce sectional agitation, so happil}^ adjusted and 
pacified by the wise measures of compromise which 
he proposed in the Senate, and which were, in the 
end, in substance adopted. That brilliant epoch in 
his history is fresh in the memorj- of all who hear 
me, and will never be forgotten by them. An equally 
glorious success achieved by his patriotism, his reso- 
luteness, and the great power of his oratory, was one 
which few of this assembly are old enough vividly to 
remember, but which, in the memory of those who 
w^itnessed the efiurt, and the success of that greatest 
triumph of his master-spirit, will ever live the most 
interesting in the life of the great statesmen. I 
mean the Missouri controversy. Then, indeed, did 
common courage quail, and hope seem to shrink be- 
fore the storm that burst upon and threatened to 
overwhelm the Union. 

Into the history of what is still fiimiliarly known 
as the " Missouri question," it is not necessar\% if time 
would allow, that I should enter at any length. The 
subject of the controversy, as all my hearers know, 
was the disposition of the House of Representatives, 
manifested on more than one occasion, and bv re- 
• peated votes, to require, as a condition of the admis- 
sion of the Territory of Missouri into the Union as a 
State, the perpetual prohibition of the introduction 
of slavery into the Territories of the United States 



804 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

woptof the "NTissij^sippi. DniMnir the conflict to which 
tliis proposition irave riso in 1820. the deh;it«'S were 
from tlie he<rinning earnest, prolonirefl. and excited. 
In the earier stages of them Mr. Chiy exerted, to tlie 
utmost, liis powers of argument, conciliation, and per- 
suasion, speaking, on one occasion, it is stated, fv>r 
four and a half hours without intermission. A hill 
finally passed hoth Houses, authorizing the people 
of the Territory of Missouri to form a Constitution 
of State Government, wirli the proliihition of slavery 
restricted to the territory lying nortli of thirty-six de- 
grees thirty minutes of north latitude. 

This was in the first session of tlie Sixteenth Con- 
gress, Mr. Clay still being Speaker of the House. On 
the approach of tlie second session of tliis Congress, 
Mr. Clay being compelled by his private afi^iiirs to 
remain at home, forwarded his resignation as Speaker, 
but retained his seat as a mend)er, in view of the 
pendenc}' of this question. Mr. Taylor of New York, 
the zealous advocate of the proliihiticm of slaverv in 
Missouri and elsewhere in tlie AVest, was chosen 
Speaker to succeed Mr. Clay. This fact, of itself, 
under all the circumstances, was ominous of \\hat was 
to follow. Alarmed, apparently', at this aspect of 
things, Mr. Clav resumed his seat in the House on 
the 16tli of January, 1821. The Constitution formed 
by Missouri and transmitted to Congi-ess, under the 
autliority of the act passed in the preceding sessi(ui, 
contained a provision (superfiuous even for its own 
olijeet) making it the duty of the General Assembly, 
as soon as might be, to pass an act to prevent free ne- 
groes and mulattoesfrom couiing to, or settling iu, the 



OF HENRY CLAY. 305 

State of Missouri, * upon any pretext wliatever.' The 
reception of the Constitution, with this oflensive pro- 
vision in it, was the signal of discord, apparently ir- 
reconcilable ; when, just as it had risen to its height, 
Mr. Clay, on the 16th of January, 1821, resumed his 
seat in the House of Ilepresentatives. Less than six 
weeks of the term of Contrress then remained. The 
great hold which lie had upon the affections, as well 
as the respect, of all parties, induced upon his arrival 
a momentary lull in the tempest. lie at once en- 
gaged earnestly and solicitously in counsel with all 
parties in this alarming controversy, and, on the 
second of February, moved the appointment of a com- 
mittee of thirteen members to consider the subject. 
The report of that committee, after four days of con- 
ference, in which the feelings of all parties had clearly 
been consulted, notwithstanding it was most earnestly 
supported by Mr. Clay in a speech of such power and 
pathos as to draw tears from many hearers, was re- 
jected by a vote of eighty-three nays to eighty yeas. 
No one, not a witness, can conceive the intense ex- 
citement which existed at this moment within and 
without the walls of Congress, aggravated as it w^aa 
by the arrival of the day for counting the electoral 
votes for President and Vice-President, among which 
was tendered the vote of Missouri as a State, though 
not yet admitted as such. Iler vote was disposed of 
by being counted hypothetically — that is to say, that 
with the vote of Missouri, the then state of the i^ene- 
ral vote would be so and so; without it, so and so. 
If her vote, admitted, would have changed the resuUf 
26* U 



306 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

no one can pretend to say liow disastrous the conse- 
quences might not have been. 

On Mr. Clay alone now rested the hopes of all 
rational and dispassionate men for a final adjustment 
of this question; and one week only, with three days 
of grace, remained of the existence of that Congress. 
On the twent3^-second of the month, Mr. Clay made 
a last effort, by moving the appointment of a joint 
committee of the two Houses, to consider and report 
wliether it was expedient or not to make provision 
for the admission of Missouri into the Union, on the 
same footing with the original States; and if not, 
whether any other provision, adapted to her actual 
condition, ought to be made by law. The motion 
was agreed to, and a committee of twenty -three mem- 
bers appointed by ballot under it. The report by that 
committee (a modification of the previouslj- rejected 
report) was ratified by the House, but by the close 
vote, eighty-seven to eighty-one. The Senate con- 
curred, and so this distracting question was at last 
settled, with an acquiescence in it by all parties, 
which has never been since disturbed. 

I have already spoken of this as the great triumph 
of Mr. Clay ; I might have said, the greatest civil tri- 
umph ever achieved by mortal man. It was one 
toward which the combination of the highest ability, 
and the most commanding eloquence, would have 
labored in vain. There would still have been want- 
ing the ardor, the vehemence, the impetuousness of 
character of Henry Clay, under the influence of which 
he sometimes overleaped all barriers, and carried his 
point literally by storm. One incident of this kind 



OF HENRY CLAY. 307 

is well remembered in connection with the Missonri 
question. It was in an evening sitting, while this 
question was yet in suspense, Mr. Clay had made a 
motion to allow one or two members to vote who had 
been absent when their names were called. The 
Speaker (Mr. Taylor), who, to a naturally equable 
temperament, added a most provoking calmness of 
manner when all around him was excitement, blandly 
stated, for the information of the gentleman, that the 
motion " was not in order." Mr. Clay then moved to 
suspend the rule forbidding it, so as to allow him to 
make the motion ; but the Speaker, with impertur- 
bable serenity, informed him that, according to the 
Eules and Orders, such a motion could not he received 
without the unanimous consent of theHouse. " Then,'' 
said Mr. Clay, exerting his voice even beyond its 
highest wont, ''I move to suspend all the rules of the 
Mouse. Away with them! Is it to be endured that 
we shall be trammeled in our action by mere forms 
and technicalities in a moment like this, when the 
peace, and perhaps the existence, of this Union is at 
stake?" 

Besides those to which I have alluded, Mr. Clay- 
performed many other signal public services, any one 
of which would have illustrated the character of any 
other American statesman. Among these we cannot 
refrain from mentioning his measures for the protec- 
tion of American industry, and his Compromise 
Measures of 1833, by which the country was relieved 
from the dangers and agitations produced by the doc- 
trine and spirit of ' nullitication.' Indeed, his name 



308 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

is identified with all the creat menpiires of Goverti 
merit during the long period of liis public life. 

But the occasion does not permit nic to proceed 
further with the review of his public services. His- 
torv will record them to his honor. 

Henry Clay was indebted to no adventitious cir- 
cumstances for the success and glory of his life. 
Sprung from an humble stock, he "was fasliioned to 
much lionor from his cradle :" and he achieved it by 
the noble use of the means which God and-,nature 
had ffiven him. lie was no scholar, and had none of 
the advantages of collegiate education. But thore 
was a "divinity that stirred within liim." He wns a 
man of genius mighty enough to sup|)ly all the de- 
fects of education. By its keen, penetrating obser- 
vation, its quick apprehension, its comprehensive and 
clear conception, he gathered knowledge without the 
studv of books; he could draw it from the fountain- 
head, pure and undefiled. It was unborrowed — the 
acquisition of his own observation, reflection, and ex- 
perience, and all his own. It entered into the com- 
position of the man, forming part of liis mind, and 
strengthening and preparing him for all those great 
scenes of intellectual exertion or C(mtroversy in wfiich 
his life was spent. His armor was always on, and he 
was ever ready for the battle. 

This mighty genius was accompanied, in him, by 
all the qualities necessary to sustain its action, and to 
make it irresistible. His person was tall, and com- 
manding, and his demeanor 

"Lofty and sour to them that loved him not; 
But to those men that sought him, sweet as summer." 



OF HENRY CLAY. 309 

lie was direct and honest, ardent and fearless, 
prompt to form his opinions, always bold in their 
avowal, and sometimes impetuous, or even rash, in 
their vindication. In the performance of his duties 
he feared no responsibility. lie scorned all evasion 
or untruth. No pale thoughts ever troubled his deci- 
sive mind. "Be just and fear not," was the sentiment 
of his heart and the principle of his action. It regu- 
lated his conduct in private and public life; all the 
ends he aimed at were his country's, his God's, and 
truth's. 

Such was Henry Clay, and such were his talents, 
qualities, and objects. Nothing but success and honor 
could attend sucli a character. I have adverted briefly 
to some portions of his public life. For nearly half 
a century he was an informing spirit, a brilliant and 
heroic figure in our political sphere, marshalling our 
country in the w^ay slie ought to go. The "bright 
track of his tiery car" may be traced through the 
whole space over which, in his day, his country' and 
its Government have passed in the way to greatness 
and renown. It will still point the way to further 
greatness and renown. 

The great objects of his public life were to pre- 
serve and strengthen the Union ; to maintain the 
Constitution and laws of the United States; to che- 
rish industry; to protect labor; and facilitate, by all 
proper national improvements, the communication 
between all parts of our widely-extended country. 
This was his American system of policy. With in- 
flexible patriotism, he pursued and advocated it to 
his end. He was every inch an American. His 



\ 



f 



310 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

heart, and all that there was of him, were devoted to 
his country, to its liherty, and its free institutions. 
He inherited the spirit of the Revolution, in the 
midst of which he was horn ; and the love of liherty, 
and the pride of freedom, were in him principles of 
action. 

A remarkable trait in his character was his in- 
flexibility in defending the public interest against all 
schemes for its detriment. His exertions were, in- 
deed, so steadily employed and so often successful in 
protecting the public against the injurious designs of 
visionary politicians or party demagogues, that he 
may be almost said to have been, during forty years, 
the guardian angel of the country. He never would 
compromise the public interest for any body, or for 
any personal advantage to himself. 

He was the advocate of liberty throughout the 
world, and his voice of cheering was raised in behalf 
of every people who struggled for freedom. Greece, 
awakened from a long sleep of servitude, heard his 
voice, and was reminded of her own Demosthenes. 
South America, too, in her struggle for independ- 
ence, heard his brave words of encouragement, and 
her fainting heart was animated, and her arm made 
strong. 

Henry Clay was the fair representative of the age 
in which he lived ; an age which forms the great and 
brightest era in the history of man ; an age teeming 
with new discoveries and developments, extending 
in all directions the limits of human knowledge, ex- 
ploring the agencies and elements of the physical 
world, and turning and subjugating them to the use 



OF HENRY CLAY. 311 

of man ; unfolding and establishing practically the 
great principles of popular rights and free govern- 
ments, and which, nothing doubtinsr, nothino- fear- 
ing, still advances in majesty, aspiring to and de- 
manding further improvement and further ameliora- 
tion of the condition of mankind. 

With the chivalrous and benignant spirit of this 
great era Henry Clay was thoroughly imbued. lie 
was, indeed, moulded by it, and made in its own 
image. That spirit, be it remembered, was not one 
of licentiousness, or turbulence, or blind innovation. 
It was a wise spirit, good and honest as it was reso- 
lute and brave; and truth and justice were its com- 
panions and guides. 

These noble qualities of truth and justice were 
conspicuous in the whole public life of Mr. Clay. 
On that solid foundation he stood, erect and fearless; 
and when the storms of State beat around and 
threatened to overwhelm him, his exclamation was 
still heard, "truth is mighty, and public justice cer- 
tain." What a magnificent and heroic figure does 
Henry Clay here present to the world! We can 
bi\t stand before and look upon it in silent reverence. 
H»3 appeal was not in vain ; the passion of party 
subsided; truth and justice resumed their sway, and 
big generous countrymen repaid him, for all the 
wrong they had done, with gratitude, affection, and 
admiration in his life, and with tears for his death. 

It has been objected to Henry Clay that he was 
ambitious. So he was. But in him ambition was a 
virtue. It sought only the proper, fair objects of 
honorable ambition, and it sought these by honorable 



312 THE LIFE AND TIMES 

means only — by so serving the country as to deserve 
its favors and its honors. If he sou^-lit office, it was 
for the purpose of enabling him, by the power it 
would give, to serve his country more effectually and 
pre-eminently ; and, if he expected and desired there- 
by to advance his own fame, who will say that was a 
fault? Who will say that it was a fault to seek and 
to desire office for an}' of the personal gratifications 
it may afford, so long as those gratifications are made 
subordinate to the public good ? 

That ilcnry Clay's object in desiring office was 
to serve his country, and that he would have made 
all other considerations subservient, I have no doubt. 
I knew him well ; I had full opportunity of observ- 
iuG: him in his most unc^uarded moments and conver- 
sations, and I can say that I have never known a 
more unselfish, a more faithful or intrepid represen- 
tative of the people^ of the people's rights, and the 
people's interests, than Ilenr}' Clay. It was most 
fortunate for Kentucky to have such a representative, 
and most fortunate for him to have such a constituent 
as Kentucky — fortunate for him to have been thrown, 
in the early and susceptible period of his life, into 
the primitive society of her bold and ^vqq people. 
As one of her children, I am pleased to think that 
from that source he derived some of the magnani- 
mity and energy which his after-life so signally dis- 
played. I am pleased to think that, mingling with 
all his great qualities, there was a sort of Kt'ntuchj- 
ism (I shall not undertake to define it), which, though 
it ma}' not have j)olished or refined, gave to them ad- 
ditional point and power, and a freer scope of action. 



OF HENRY CLAY. 31^ 

Mr. Clay was a man of profound judgment and 
strong will. He never doubted or faltered; all his 
qualities were positive and peremptory; and to bis 
convictions of public duty he sacrificed every per 
sonal consideration. 

With but little knowledsre of the rules of losfic or 
of rhetoric, he was a great debater and orator. There 
was no art in his eloquence," no studied contrivances 
of language. It was the natural outpouring of a 
great and ardent intellect. In his speeches there 
were none of the trifles of mere fancy and imagina- 
tion ; all was to the subject in hand, and to the pur- 
pose ; and they may be regarded as great actions of 
the mind rather than tine displays of words. I doubt 
whether the eloquence of Demosthenes or Cicero ever 
exerciricd a greater influence over the minds and pas- 
sions of the people of Athens and of Rome, than did 
Mr. Clay's over the minds and passions of the people 
of the United States. 

You all knew Mr. Cla}-; your knowledge and 
recollection of him will present him more vividly to 
your minds than any picture I can draw of him. This 
I will add: he was, in the highest, truest sense of the 
term, a great rnan, and we ne'er shall look upon his 
like again. He has gone to join the mighty dead in 
another and better worM. How little is there of such 
a man that can die ! His fame, the memory of his 
'benefactions, the lessons of his wisdom, all remain 
with us ; over these death has no power. 

How few of the great of this worla have been so 
fortunate as he! How few of them have lived to see 
their labors so rewarded! He lived to see the country 
27 



314 THE LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 

that he loved and served advanced to great prosperity 
and renown, and still advancing. He lived till every 
prejudice which, at any period of his life, had existed 
atniinst him, was removed; and until he had become 
tlie object of the reverence, gratitude, and love of his 
whole country. His work seemed then to be com- 
pleted, and fate could not have selected a happier 
moment to remove him from the troubles and vicis- 
/ situdes of his life. 

Glorious as his life was, there was nothing that 
became him like the leaving of it. I saw him fre- 
quently during the slow and lingering disease which 
terminated his life. He was conscious of his ap- 
proaching end, and prepared to meet it with all the 
resiirnation and fortitude of a Christian hero. He 
was all patience, meekness, and gentleness; these 
shone around him like a mild, celestial light, break- 
ing vipon him from another world. 

"And, to add greater honors to his age 
Than man could give, he died fearing God." 



APPENDIX. 



SELECT SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 



I. 

ON THE GREEK BEVOLUTION. 

Delivered in the House of Representatives, Jan. 20, 1824. 

In rising, let me state distinctly the substance of 
the original proposition of the gentleman from Mas- 
sachusetts (Mr. Webster), with that of the amend- 
ment of the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. 
Poinsett). The resolution proposes a provision of the 
means to defray the expense of deputing a commis- 
sioner or agent to Greece, whenever the President, 
who knows, or ought to know, the disposition of all 
the European powers, Turkish or Christian, shall 
deeni it proper. The amendment goes to withhold 
any appropriation to that object, but to make a public 
declaration of our sympathy with the Greeks, and of 
our good wishes for the success of their cause. And 
how has this simple, unpretending, unambitious, this 
harmless proposition, been treated in debate ? It 
has been argued as if it offered aid to the Greeks ; as 
if it proposed the recognition of the independence of 

(315) 



316 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. - 

tlioir frover.nnient : as a measure of uninstifiable in- 
terference in the internal affairs of a foreign State, 
and finally, as war. And tliey who tlius argne the 
Question, wliile thev absohitelv surrender themselves 
to tlie illusions of their own fervid imaginations, and 
depict, in glowing terms, the monstrous and alarm- 
ing consequences which are to spring out of a propo- 
Riti<m so simple, impute to us, who are its humblest 
advocates. Quixotism! Quixotism! "While they are 
taking the most extravagant and boundless range, and 
arofuinsr anythins: and everythin": but the question 
before the Committee, they accuse us of enthusiasm, 
of giving the reins to excited feeling, of being trans- 
ported by onr imaginations. Ko, sir, the resolution 
is nf) proposition for aid, nor for recognition, nor for 
interference, nor f(^r war. 

I know that there are some who object to the reso- 
hition on account of the source from which it has 
sprung — who except to its mov<T, as if its value or 
importance were to be estimated by personal conside- 
rations. T have long had the pleasure of knowing 
the lionorable gentleman from Massachusetts, and 
sometimes that of actins^ with him ; and I have much 
satisfaction in expressing my high admiration of his 
great talents. But I would appeal to my republican 
friends, those faithful sentinels of civil liberty with 
whom I have ever acted, shall we reject a proposition, 
consonant to our principles, favoring tlie good and 
great cause, on account of the political character of 
its mover? Shall we not rather look to the intrinsic 
merits of the measure, and seek every fit occasion to 
strengthen and perpetuate liberal principles and noble 



ON THE GREEK REVOLUTION. 817 

sentiments? If it were possil)le for repnl-licans to 
cease to be the cliampions of human freedom, and u 
federalists became its only siip})orters. I would cease 
to be a republican ; I would become a federalist. The 
preservation of the public confidence can only be 
secured, or merited, by a fciithful adherence to the 
principles by which it has been acquired. 

Mr. Chairman, is it not extraordinary that for these 
two successive years the President of the United States 
should have been fi-eely indulged, not only without 
censure, but with universal applause, to express the 
feelings which both the resolution and the amend- 
ment proclaim, and yet, if this IL)use venture to 
unite with bin), the most awful consequences are to 
ensue? From Maine to Georgia, from the Atlantic 
Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico, the sentiment of ap[)r()- 
bation has blazed with the rapidity of electricity. 
Everywhere the interest in the Greek cause is felt 
with the deepest intensity, expressed in every form, 
and increases with every new day and passing hour. 
And are the representatives of the people alone to be 
insulated from the common moral atmosphere of the 
whole land? Shall we shut ourselves up in apathy, 
and separate ourselves from our country, from our 
constituents, from our chief magistrate, from our 
principles? j 

This measure has been most unreasonably magni- 
fied. Gentlemen speak of the watchful jealousy of 
the Turk, and seem to think the slightest movement 
of this body will be matter of serious speculation at 
Constantinople. I believe that, neither the Sublime 
Porte, nor the European allies, attach any such ex- 

07 * 



318 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAT. 

asrgerated importance to the acts and deliberations 
oif this body. The Turk will, in all probability, never 
hear the names of the gentlemen who either espouse 
or oppose the resolution. It certainly is not without 
a value ; but that value is altogether moral ; it throws 
our little tribute into the vast stream of public opi- 
nion, which, sooner or later, must regulate physical 
action upon the great interests of the civilized world. 
But, rely upon it, the Ottoman is not about to declare 
war against us because this unoffending proposition 
has been offered by my honorable friend from Massa- 
chusetts, whose name, however distinguished and 
eminent he may be in our own country, has probably 
never reached tlie ears of the Sublime Porte. Tlie 
allied powers are not going to be thrown into a state 
of consternation, because we appropriate some two 
or three thousand dollars to send an agent to Greece. 
The question has been argued as if the Greeks 
would be exposed to still more shocking enormities 
by its passage; as if the Turkish cimeter would be 
rendered still keener, and dyed deeper and yet deeper 
in Christian blood. Sir, if such is to be the effect of 
the declaration of our sympathy, the evil has been 
already produced. That declaration has been already 
publicly and solemnly made by the Chief Magistrate 
of the United States, in two distinct messages. It is 
this document which commands at iiome and abroad 
the most fixed and universal attention; which ip, 
translated into all the foreign jouriuils; read by sove- 
reigns and their ministers; and, possibly, in the divan 
itself But our resolutions are domestic, for home 
consumption, and rarely, if ever, meet imperial or 



ON THE GREEK REVOLUTION. 319 

royal eyes. The President, in liis messages, after a 
most tonciiing representation of the feelings excited 
by the Greek insurrection, tells you that the domijiion 
of the Turk is gone forever; and that the most san- 
guine hope is entertained that Greece will achieve 
her independence. Well, sir, if this be the fact, if 
the Allied Powers themselves may, possibly, before 
we again assemble in this hall, acknowledge that in- 
dependence, is it not tit and bixjoming in tliis House 
to make provision that our President shall be among 
the foremost, or at least not among the last, in tha't 
acknowledgment? So far from this resolution being 
likely to whet the vengeance of the Turk against his 
Grecian victims, I believe its tendency will be directly 
the reverse. Sir, with all his unlimited power, and 
in all the elevation of his despotic throne, he is at last 
but man, made as we are, of flesh, of muscle, of bone 
and sinew. He is susceptible of pain, and can feel, 
and has felt, the uncalculating valor of American 
freemen in some of his dcmiinions. And when he is 
made to understand that the Executive of this Gov- 
ernment is sustained by the representatives of the 
people; that our entire political fabric, base, column, 
and entablature, rulers and people, with heart, soul, 
mind, and strength, are all on the side of the gallant 
people whom he would crush, he will be more" likely 
to restrain than to increase his atrocities upon suffer- 
ing, bleeding Greece. 

The gentleman from ISTew Hampshire (^fr.Bart1ett) 
has made, on this occasion, a very ingenious, sensible, 
and ironical speech — an admirable debut for a new 
member, and such as I hope we shall often have re- 



320 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

pented on this floor. But, permit me to advise m\ 
young friend to remember the maxim thiit "sufficient 
nnto the day is tlie evil thereof;" and when tlie reso 
lution* on anotlier subject, which I had tlie h(^nor to 
Buhmit, sliall come up to be discussed, I liope he will 
not content liimself with saying, as he has now done, 
that it is a very extraordinary one; but that he will 
then favor tbe House with an argumentative speech, 
proving that it is our duty quietlj' to see laid prostrate 
everv fortre.-s of human hope, and to behold with in- 
difference the last outwork of liberty taken and de- 
stroyed. 

It has been said tbat the proposed measure will be 
a departure from our uniform policy with re.-])ect to 
foreign nations; that it will provoke the wrath of the 
Holy Alliance; and that it will, in efl'ect, be a repe- 
tition of their own olfence, bj' an unjustifiable inter- 
position in the domestic concerns of other powers. 
Ko, sir, not even if it authorized, which it does not, 
an immediate recognition of Grecian independence. 
What has been the settled and steady policy and 
practice of this Government, from the days of Wash- 
ington to the present moment ? In the case of France, 
the Father of his countrv and his successors received 
Genet, Fouchet, and all the French ministeis who 
followed them, whether sent from king, convention, 
anarchy, emperor, or king af-ain. The rule we have 
ever followed has been this: to look at the state of 
the fact, and to recognize that government, be it what 



* The resolution, offered by Mr. Clay, declaring that the United 
States would not see with indifference any interference of the lljly 
Alliance in behalf of Spain against the new American republics. 



ON THE GREEK REVOLUTION. 321 

it miirlit, which was in actual possession of sovGrci«>'n 
|n)wer. When one government is overthrown, and 
anctlier is estal)lishe(J on its ruins, without eniharras- 
siiig onrst'lves with any of the princij)lt\s involved in 
the contest, we have ever acknowledged tiie new and 
actual governmeiit as soon as it had undisputed exist- 
ence. Our simple inquiry has been, "Is there a 
government de facto P" AVe have had a recent and 
memorable example. When the allied ministers re- 
tired from Madrid, and refused to accompany Ferdi- 
nand to Cadiz, ours remained, and we sent out a new 
minister who sought at that ])ort to present himself 
to the Constitutional king. Why? Because it was 
tlie government uf Spain in fact. Did the Allies de- 
clare war agaitist us for the exercise of this incontest- 
able attribute of sovereigntv? Did thev even trans- 
mit any diplomatic note, complaining of our conduct? 
The line of our European policy luis been so plainly 
descrihed, that it is impossible to mistake it. We are 
to abstain from all interference in their disputes, to 
take no part in their contests, to make no entangling 
alliances with anv of them : but to assert and exercise 
our indisputable right of opening and nuiintaining 
diplomatic intercourse with anv actual sovereii^ntv. 

Surely, sir, we need no lonir or learned lectures 
about the natui-e of ii,"0verninent, and the inliucnce *)f 
property or ranks on society. We may content our- 
selves with studying the true character of our own 
people, and with knowing that the interests are con- 
tided o us of a nation capable of doing and suffering 
all things for its liberty. Such a nation, if its rulers 
be laitLf^l, must be invincible, i well remember au 

V 



322 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 



observation made to me b}- the most illustrious fe- 
male* of tlie age, if not of her sex. All history 
fihovved, she said, that a nation was never conquered. 
No, sir, no united nation, that resolves to be free, 
can be conquered. And has it come to this? Are 
we so humbled, so low, so debased, that we dare not 
express our sympathy for suffering Greece, that we 
dare not articulate our detestation of the brutal ex- 
cesses of which she has been the bleeding victim, lest 
we misfht offend some one or more of their imperial 
and royal majesties? If gentlemen are afraid to act 
rashly on such a subject, suppose, Mr. Chairman, that 
we unite in an humble petition, addressed to their 
majesties, beseeching them that, of their gracious 
condescenscion, they would allow us to express our 
feelings and our sympathies? How shall it run? 
" We, the representatives of the free people of the 
United States of America, humbly approach the 
thrones of your imperial and royal majesties, and 
supplicate that, of your imperial and royal clemency" 
— I cannot go through the disgusting recital — my 
lips have not yet learned to pronounce the sycophan- 
tic lanffuag-e of a deo^raded slave ! Are we so mean, 
80 l)ase, so despicable, that we may not attempt to 
express our horror, utter our indignation, at the most 
brutal and atrocious war that ever stained earth or 
ehooked \\\iA\ Heaven ; at the ferocious deeds of a 
savage and infuriated soldiery, stimulated and urged 
on by the clergy of a fanatical and inimical religion, 
and rioting in all the excesses of blood and butchery, 



* Madame de Stael. 



ON THE GREEK REVOLUTION. 323 

at the mere details of which the heart sickens and 
recoils. 

If the great body of Christendom can look on 
calmly and coolly, while all this is perpetrated on a 
Christian people, in its own immediate vicinity, in its 
very presence, let us at least evince that one of its re- 
mote extremities is susceptible of sensibility to Chris- 
tian wrongs, and capable of sympathy for Christian 
Bufferings ; that in this remote quarter of the world 
there are hearts not yet closed against compassion for 
human woes, that can pour out their indignant feel- 
ings at the oppression of a people endeared to us by 
every ancient recollection and every modern tie. 
Sir, the committee has been attempted to be alarmed 
by the dangers to our commerce in the Mediterra- 
nean ; and a wretched invoice of figs and opium has 
bee.n spread before us to repress our sensibilities, 
and to eradicate our humanity. Ah, sir, " What 
shall it profit a man if he gain the whole world, and 
lose his own soul?" or what shall it avail a nation 
to save the whole of a miserable trade, and lose its 
liberties ? 

On the subject of the other independent American 
States, hitherto it has not been necessary to depart 
from the rule of our foreis^n relations observed in re^ 
gard to Europe. Whether it will become us to do 
so or not, will be considered when we take up an- 
other resolution, lying on the table. But we may 
not only adopt this measure, we may go further: we 
may recognize the government in the Morea, if ac- 
tually independent, and it will be neither war noi 
caujde of war, nor any violation of our neutrality 



324 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

Besides, sir, what is Greece to tlie Allie-? a part of 
the dominions of ail}' of them ? By no means. Sup- 
pose the people in one of the Philippine Isles, or any 
other spot still more insulated and remote, in Asia 
or Africa, were to resist their former rulers, and set 
up and estahlish a new government, are we not to 
recognize them in dread of the Holy Allies? If they 
are going to interfere, from the danger of the conta- 
gion of the example, here is the spot, our own favored 
land, where they must strike. T/r/.v Government — 
you, Mr. Chairman, and the body over which you 
preside, are the living and cutting reproach to allied 
despotisnr? If we are to ottend them, it is not i)y 
passing this resolution. We are daily and hourly 
giving them cause of war. It is here^ and in our free 
institutions, that they will assail us. They will at- 
tack us because you sit beneath that canopy, and we 
are freelv debatin": and deliberating: upon the sfreat 
interests of freemen, and dispensing the blessings 
of free government. They will strike because we 
pass one of tliose bills on your table. The passage 
of the least of them, by our free authority, is more 
galling to despotic powers than would be the adop- 
tion of this so-much dreaded resolution. Pass it, and 
what do you do? You exercise an indisputable 
attribute of sovereignty^ for which you are responsi- 
ble to none of them. You do the same when you 
perform any oiher legislative function; no less. If 
the Allies object to this measure, let them forbid us 
to take a vote in this House; let them strip us of 
every attribute of independent government; let them 
(iirfperse us. 



I 



ON THE GREEK REVOLUTION. 825 



Will gentlemen attempt to maintain that, on the 
principles of the law of nations, those Allies would 
have cause of war? If there be any principle which 
has been settled for ages, any which is founded in 
the very nature uf things, it is that eve/y independent 
State has the clear right to judge of the fact of the 
existence of other sovereign powers. I admit there 
may be a state of inchoate, initiative sovereignty, in 
w.iich a new government, just struggling into being, 
cannot be said yet perfectly to exist. But the prema- 
ture recognition of such new government can give 
otfence justly to no other than its ancient sovereign. 
Tiie right of recognition comprehends the right to be 
ihf)rmed; and the means of information must, of ne- 
cosciity, depend upon the sound discretion of the party 
seeking it. You may send out a commission of in- 
quiry, and charge it with a provident attention to 
your own people and your own interests. Such will 
will be the character of the proposed agency. It will 
not necessarily follow that any public functionary 
wid be a[»pointed by the President. You merely 
grant the means by which tiie Executive may act 
w en he thiidvs proper. What does he tell you in 
hi> message? Tnat Greece is contending for her in- 
dependence; that all sympathize with her; and that 
no Power has declared against her. Pass this reso- 
hition, and what is the reply which it conveys to 
lii.n? ^' Yo>i have sent us grateful intelligence; we 
feel warmly for Greece, and we grant you money, 
that, when you shall think it proper, when the inte- 
r.scsi ( f this naiion shall n(»t be jeoparded, you may 
depute a commissioner or public agent to Greece." 
28 



32G SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 



o 



The ./hole responsibility is then left wliere the Con- 
Ktitut'on puts it. A member in his place may make 
a r^peoch or proposition, the House may even pass a 
vote, in respect to our foreign aftUirs, which the Pre- 
sident, with the whole field lying full before him, 
would not deem it expedient to eflectuate. 

But, sir, it is not for Gr«ece alone that I desire to 
see this measure adopted. It will give to her but 
little support, and that purely of a moral kind. It is 
principall/ for America, for the credit and character 
of our conr>mon country, for our unsullied name, that 
I hope to tee it pass. Mr. CI i airman, what appear- 
ance on the page of history would a record like this 
exhibit? "In the month of January, in the year (^f 
our Lord a^.d Saviour, 1824, while all European 
Christendom beheld, with cold and unfeeling indif- 
ference, the uiicxanipled wrongs and inexpressible 
misery of Chrisrian Greece, a proposition was made 
in the Congress or the United States, almost the sole, 
tlie last, the greatest depositor^' of human hope and 
human freedom, the representatives of a gallant 
nation, containing a million of freemen ready to fly 
to arms, while the people of that nation were spon- 
taneously expressing its deep-toned feeling, and the 
whole continent, by one simultaneous emotion, was 
rising, and solemnly and anxiously supplicating and 
invoking high Heaven to spare and succor Greece, 
and to invigorate her arms, in her glorious cause, 
while temples and Senate houses were alike resound- 
ing with one burst of generous and hoi}- sympathy — 
in the year of our Lord and Saviour, that Saviour ot 
Greece and of us — a proposition was oflered in the 



ON THE (i :i E E K REVOLUTION. 827 

American Congress to send a messenger to Greece, 
to inquire into her state and condition, with a kind 
expression of our good wishes and our sympathies — 
and it was rejected!" Go home, if you can, go 
home, if you dare, to your constituents, and tell them 
that you voted it down — meet, if you can, the appal- 
ling countenances of those who sent you here, and 
tell them that you shrank from the declaration of 
your own sentiments — that you cannot tell how, but 
that some unknown dread, some indescribable appre- 
hension, some indefinable danger, drove you from, 
your purpose — that the spectres of cimeters, and 
crowns, and crescents, gleamed before you and alarmed 
you; and that you suppressed all the noble feelings 
prompted by Eeligion, by Liberty, by National Inde- 
pendence, and by Humanity. I cannot bring myself 
to believe that such will be the feeling of a majority 
of the committee. But, for myself, though every friend 
of the cause should desert it, and I be left to stand 
alone with the gentleman from Massachusetts, I will 
give to his resolution the poor sanction of my un- 
qualified approbation. 



828 



SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 



11. 



OUR TREATMENT OF THE CHEROKEES. 



Delivered in the Senate of the United Slates, Feb. 14, 1835 



T HOLD in my hands, and beg L-ave to prp-ent to 
the Senate, certain resolutions and a memorial to the 
Senate and House of Represertatives of tlie United 
States, of a council met at Rnnnincr Waters, consist- 
inpr of a portion of the Clierokee Indians. The Che- 
rokees have a country — if, indeed, it can be any 
Ioniser called their country — which is comprised 
within the limits of Georg-ia, Alabama, Tennessee, 
and South Carolina. They have a population which 
is variously estimated, but which, acconling to the 
best information which I possess, amounts to about 
fifteen thousand souls. Of this population, a portion, 
believed to be much the greater part — amounting, as 
is estimated, to between nine and ten thousand souls 
— reside within the limits of the State of Georgia. 
The Senate is v\ell aware, that for several years past 
it had been the policy of the General Government to 
transfer the Indians to the west of the Mississippi 
river, and that a portion of the Cherokees haA^e al- 
ready availed themselves of this policy of the Gov- 
ernment, and emigrated bejond the Mississij)pi. Of 
th(^se who remain, a portion — a respectable but also 
an inconsiderable portion — are desirous of emio^r^'inij 
to the West, and a much larger portion desire t r^ 



TREATMENT OF THE CTIEROKEES. 320 

main on their land!^, and lav tlieir bones where re.-^t 
those of their ancestors. The papers which I now 
present emanate from the minor portion of the Che- 
rokees ; from those who are in favor of emisfration. 
They present a case which appeals strongly to tl^e 
sym.pathies of Congress. They say that it is impos- 
sible for them to continne to live nnder la\AS which 
they do not understand, passed by authority in wliich 
they have no share, promulgated in language of 
which nothing is known to the greater porti(»n of 
them, and establishing rules for their government 
entirely uiiadapted to their nature, education, and 
habits. They say that destruction is liangi ug over 
them if the}' remain ; that, their right of self-govern- 
ment being destroyed, though they are sensible of all 
the privations, and hardships, and sufferings of banish- 
ment from their native homes, they prefer exile with 
libertv, to residence in their homes with slaverv. 
They im[)lore, therefore, the intervention of the Gene- 
ral Government to provide for their removal west of 
the Mississippi, and to establish guarantees, never 
hereafter to he violated, of the possession of the lands 
to be acquired by them west of the Mississip})i, and 
of the perpetual right of self-government. This is 
the object (jf the resolutions and petition which I am 
about to offer to the Senate. 

But I have thought that this occasion was one 
which called upon me to express the opinimis and 
sentiments which I hold in relation to this entire sub- 
ject, as resjjects not only the enjgraring Itidians, but 
those also who are desirous to renuiin at liorne: in 
short, to express in concise terms my views of the 
28* 



830 s p i: K c n E s of h k n r y c l a t. 

relations between the Tr.dian ti'ilios and the people of 
the United States, the rights of both parties, and the 
duties of this Governnietit in rei>-ard to them. 

The rights of the Indians are to be ascertained, in 
the first place, bv the solemn stipulations of numerous 
treaties made \\ith them bv the United States. It is 
not ni}' purpose to call the attention of the Senate to 
all the treaties which have been made with Indian 
tribes bearing on this particular topic; but I feel con- 
strained to ask the attention of the Senate to some 
portions of those treaties which have been made with 
the Cherokees, and to the memorable treaty of Green- 
ville, which has terminated the war that previously 
thereto, for many years, raged between the United 
States and the northwestern Indian tribes. I find, 
upon consulting the collection of Indian treaties in 
mv hand, that within the last half-centurv, fourteen 
different treaties have been concluded with the Chero- 
kees, the first of which bore date in the vear 1775, 
and some one or more of which have been concluded 
under every administration of the General Govern- 
ment, from the beginning of it to the present time, 
except the present Administration, and that vvhich 
immediately preceded it. The treaty of Hopewell, 
the first in the series, was concluded in 1775; in the 
third article of which "the said Indians for them- 
selves, and their respective tribes and towns, do ac- 
knowledge all the Cherokees to be under the protec- 
tion of the United States of America, and of no other 
sovereign whatsoever.'' The fifth article of the same 
treaty provides that — 

*' If any citizen of the United States, or other per- 



TREATMENT OF THE CHEROKEES. 331 



6on, not being an Indian, shall attempt to settle on 
aiiv of the lands westward or southward of the said 
boundary, which are hereby allotted to the Indians 
for their hunting-grounds, or, having already settled, 
and will not remove from the same within six months 
after the ratilicatioc. of this treaty, such 'person shall 
forfeit the protection of the United States, and the 
Indians may punish him or not, as they please: pro- 
vided, nevertheless, that this article shall not extend 
to the peojile settled between the fork of French,. 
Broad, and llolston rivers," &c. 

The next treat}- in the series, which was concluded 
after the establishment of the Government of the 
United States, under the auspices of the Father of 
his Country, was in the year 1791, on the banks of 
the Holston, and contains the following provision : 

"Art. 7. The United States solemnly guarantee to 
the Cherokee nation all their laiids not herebv ceded." 

This is not an ordinary assurance of protection, 
&c., but a solemn guarantee of the rights of the Chero- 
kees to the lands in question. The next treaty to 
which I will call the attention of the Senate, was 
concluded in 1798, also under the auspices of General 
Washington, and declares as follows: 

"The undersigned, Henry Knox, Secretar}' for the 
department of war, being authorized thereto by the 
President of the United States, in behalf of the said 
United States, and the undei signed chiefs and war- 
riors, in their own names, and in behalf of the whole 
Cherokee nation, are desirous of re-establishing peace 
and friendship between the said parties in a perma- 
nent manner, do hereby declare that the said treaty 



632 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

of TTolston IP, to all intents and pnrpo?cs, in full force 
and l)iiidin<r njion tlio paid j)artios, as \vell in rop]>ect 
to boundaries tlierein mentioned, as in all other re- 
spects wluitever." 

Tills treaty, it is seen, renews the solemn 2:uarantee 
contained in the preceding treaty, and declares it to 
l)e hinding and obligatory upon tlie parties in all re- 
spects whatever. % 

Airain: in another treaty, concluded in 1798, under 
the second Cbief Magistrate of the United States, we 
find the following stipulations: 

"Art. 2. Tlie treaties subsisting between the pre- 
sent contracting parties are acknowledged to be of 
full and operating force; together with the construc- 
tion and usage under their respective articles, and so 
to continue. 

"Art. 3. The limits and boundaries of the Chero- 
kee nation, as stipulated and marked bv the existing 
treaties between the parties, shall be and remain the 
same, where not altered by the present treaty." 

There were other provisions, in other treaties, to 
\vhich, if I did not intend to take up as little time as 
p"Ssible of tbe Senate, I might adviintageously call 
their attenti(Ui. I will, however, pass on to one of 
the last treaties with the Cherokees, which was con- 
cluded in the year 1817. That treaty recognized the 
ditference existing between the two porti(»n8 of the 
Cherokees, (^ne of which was desirous to remain at 
hoiiie and pro>ecute the go«id work of civilization, in 
which they had made some progress, and the other 
portion was desirous to go beyond the Mississippi. 



TREATMENT OF THE CHEROKEES. 333 

In that treaty, the fifth article, after several other 
8ti[>ulatioiis, concludes as follows: 

"And it is further stipulated, that the treaties here- 
tofore made between the Cherokee nation and the 
United States are to continue in full force with both 
parts of the nation, and both parts thereof are enti- 
tled to all the privileges and immunities which tlie 
old nation einoved under the aforesaid treaties; the 
United States reservins; the riiJ:ht of establishing: fac- 
tories, a military post, and roads, within the bounda- 
ries above defined." 

And to this treaty, thus emphatically renewing the 
recoi^nition of the ri^'hts of the Indians, is sis^ned the 
name, as one of the Commissioners of the United 
States who negotiated it, of the present Chief Magis- 
trate of the United States. 

These were the stipulations in treaties with the 
Cherokee nation, to which I thought proper to call 
the attention of the Senate. I will now turn to the 
treaty of Greenville, concluded about fort}' years ago, 
recognizing some general principles a[)plicable to this 
subject. The fifth article of that treaty reads as fol- 
lows : 

"To prevent any misunderstanding about the In- 
dian lands relinquished by the United States in the 
fourth article, it is now explicitly declared, that the 
meaning of that relinquishment is this: the Indian 
tribes who have a right to those lands are quietly to 
enjoy them, hunting, planting, and dwelling thereon 
so long as they please, without any molestation from 
the United States; but wiien these tribes, or any of 
them, shall be disposed to sell their lands, or any pari 



834 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

of them, they are to be sold onlvto the United States; 
and, until sucli sale, the United States will protect all 
the said Indian tribes in the quiet enjoyment of their 
binds airainst all citizens of the United States, and all 
other white persons who intrude upon the same. 
And the said Indian tribes again acknowledge them- 
selves to be under the protection of the said United 
States, and no other Power whatever." 

Such, sir, are the rights of the Indian tribes. And 
what are those rights? They are, that the Indians 
shall live under their own customs and laws; that 
they shall live upon their own lands, hunting, plant- 
ing, and dwelling thereon so long as they please, with- 
out interruption or molestation of any sort from the 
white people of the United States, acknowledging 
themselves under the protection of the United States, 
and of no other Power whatever; that when they no 
longer wish to keep the lands, they shall sell them 
only to the United States, whose Government thus 
secures to itself the pre-emptive right of purchase in 
them. These rights, so secured by successive trea- 
ties and guarantees, have also been recognized, on 
several occasions, by the highest judicial tribunals. 

But it is not at home alone that the rights of the 
Indians within the limits of the United States have 
been recognized. Not only has the Executive, the 
Ctnigress of the United States, and the Supreme 
Court, recognized these rights, but in one of the most 
important epochs of this (Government, and on one of 
the most solemn occasions in our intercourse with 
foreign Powers, these rights of the Indian tribes have 
been acknowledged. You, sir, will understand me 



TREATMENT OF THE CHEROKEES. 335 

at once to refer to the negotiation between the Govern- 
nient of Great Britain and that of the United States, 
whicli had for its object the termination of tlie late 
war between the two countries. Sir, it must be within 
jonr recollection, and that of every member of the 
Senate, that the h'mcre ^jpon which that negotiation 
turned — the ground upon which it was for a long 
time apprehended that the conference between the 
commissioners would terminate in a rupture of the 
negotiation between the two countries — was, the 
claim brought forward on that memorable occ'asion 
by Great Britain in behalf of the Indians within the 
limits of the United States. It will be recollected 
that she advanced, as a principle from which she 
would not recede, as a sina qua non, again and again, 
during the progress of the negotiation, that the In- 
dians, as her allies, should be included in the treaty 
of peace which the negotiators were about formini<; 
that they should have a permanent boundary assigned 
them, and that neither Great Britain nor the United 
States should be at liberty to purchase their lands. 

Such were the pretensions urged on that occasion, 
which the commissioners of the United States felt it 
to be their imperative duty to resist. To establish as 
the boundary the line of the treaty of Greenville, as 
proposed, which would have excluded from the bene- 
iit of American laws and privileges a population of 
not less than a hundred thousand of the inhabitants 
of Ohio — American citizens, entitled to the protec- 
tion of the Government — was a proposition which 
the American negotiators could not for a moment en- 
tertaiu : they would not even refer it to their Govern. 



330 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

meiit, tlioiiLrli a^^surod tluit it would t]i«*re moot the 
paiiie unaniiions rejection tliat it did from tiuMii. 
But it became a matter of some im|»ortance tli^t a 
satisfactory assurance should he ii'iven to Great Brita'n 
that thf war, which we were about to hriiii; to a con- 
clusion with her, sliould close also with her allies: 
and wliat was that assurance? I will not trouble the 
Senate with tracing the whole account of that nego- 
tiation, but I heo- leave to call vour attention to one 
of the yuissages of it. You will find, on examining 
tile history of the negotiation, that the demand 
brought forward by the British Government, through 
their minister, on this occasion, was the subject nf 
several argumentative papers. Toward the close of 
this correspondence, reviewing the course pursued 
toward the aboriicines bv the several European Powers 
which had planted colonies in America, comparing 
it with that of the United States, and contrasting 
the lenitv. kindness, and forbearance of the United 
States, with the rigor and severity of other Powers, 
the American negotiators expressed themselves as 
follows : 

'' From the rigor of tliis system, however, as prac- 
tised by Great Britain, and all the other Eur()[»ean 
Powers in America, the humane and liberal poli'-y of 
the United States has voluntarily relaxed. A cele- 
brated writer on the law of nations, to whose autho- 
rity British jurists have taken particular satisfac- 
tion in a[)[)ealing, after stating, in the most ex[)licit 
manner, the legitimacy of colonial settlements in 
Aimriea, to the exclusion of all rights of uncivilized 
Indian tribt-s, has taken occasion to praise the jusiice 



TREATMENT OF THE CHEROKEES. 33'i 

and humanity of the first settlers of ^ew England, 
and of the founder of Pennsylvania, in having pur- 
chased of the Indians the lands they resolved to cul- 
tivate, notwithstanding their being furnished with a 
charter from their sovereign. It is this example which 
the United States, since they became by their inde- 
pendence the sovereigns of the territory, have adopted 
and organized into a political system. Under that sys- 
tem^ the Indians residing in the United States are so 
far independent, that they live under their otvn customSy 
and not under the laws of the United States : that their 
rights upon the lands where they inhabit or hunt are 
secured to them by boundaries defined in amicable trea- 
ties between the United States and themselves; and 
that whenever those boundaries are varied, it is also 
by amicable and voluntarj* treaties, by which they 
receive from the United States ample compensation 
for every right they have to the lands ceded by 
them," &c. 

Tiie correspondence was further continued; and 
finally the commissioners on the part of Great Britain 
p oposed an article to which the American commis- 
eioners assented, the basis of wiiich is a declaration 
of what is the state of the law between the Indian 
tribes and the people of the United States. They 
then proposed a further article, which declared that 
the United States should endeavor to restore peace 
to die Indians who had acted on the side of Great 
Britain, together with all the rights, possessions, pri- 
vileges, and immunities, which they possessed prior to 
the year 1811, that is, antecedent to the war between 
England and the United States ; iu consideration that 
29 w 



338 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

Great Britain would terminate the war so far as re« 
Bpected the Indians who had been allies of the United 
States, and restore to them all the rights, privileges, 
possessions, and immunities, which these also had 
enjoyed previously to the same period. Mr. Presi- 
dent, I here state my solemn belief, that if the Ame- 
rican commissioners had not declared the laws be- 
tween the Indians and the people of this conntrv, 
and the rights of the Indians to be such as they are 
stated to be in the extracts I have read to the Se- 
nate ; if they had then stated that any one State of 
this Union, which happened to have Indians residing 
within its limits, possessed the right of extending 
over them the laws of such State, and of taking their 
lands when and how it pleased, that the effect would 
have been a prolongation of the war. I again declare 
my most solemn belief that Great Britain, which as- 
sented with ffreat reluctance to this mutual stipula- 
tioQ with respect to the Indians, never would have 
done it at all, but under a conviction of tbe corre- 
spondence of those principles of Indian international 
law (if I may use such a phrase), with those whicK the 
United States Government had respected ever since 
the period of our independence. 

Sir, if I am right in this, let me ask whether, in 
adopting the new code which now prevails, and by 
which the rights of the Indians have been trampled 
on, and the most solemn obligations of treaties have 
been disregarded, we are not chargeable with having 
induced that power to conclude a peace with us by 
Bucffcstions utterly unfounded and erroneous? 

Most of the treaties between the Cherokee nation 



TREATMENT OF TUE CHEEOKEES. 339 

of Indians and the United States have been submitted 
to the Senate for ratification, and the Senate have 
acted upon them in conformity with their constitu- 
tional power. Beside the action of the Senate, as a 
legislative body, in the enactment of laws in conform- 
ity with their stipulations, regulating the intercourse 
of our citizens with that nation, it has acted in its 
separate cliaracter, and confirmed the treaties them- 
selves by the constitutional majority of two-thirds of 
its members. Thus have those treaties been sanc- 
tioned liy the Government of the United States and by 
every branch of this Government; by tlie Senate, the 
Executive, and the Supreme Court; both at home and 
abroad. But not only have the rights of the Cherokees 
received all these recognitions; they have been, by im- 
plication, recognized by the State of Georgia itself, in 
the act of 1802, in which she stipulated that tlie Gov- 
ernment of the United States, and not the State of 
Georgia, should extinguish the Indian title to the 
land within her limits; and the General Government 
has been, from time to time, urged by Georgia to 
comply with its engagements, from that period until 
the adoption of the late new policy upon this subject. 
Ilaving thus, Mr. President, stated, as I hope with 
clearness, the rights of the Indian tribes, as recog- 
nized by the most solemn acts that can be entered 
into by any Government, let me in the next place in- 
quire into the nature of the injuries which have been 
indicted upon them ; in other words, into the present 
condition of the Cherokees, to whom protection has 
been assured^s well bv solemn treaties as by the laws 
and guarantees of the United States Government. 



340 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

And here let me he permitted to ?ny, that T o^o into 
this subject with feelings vvliich no langnacre at my 
command will enable me adeqnately to ex]>rep!5. I 
assure the Senate, and in an especial manner do I 
assure the honorable Senators from Georgia, that my 
wish and purpose is any other than to excite the 
slightest possible irritation on the part of any human 
being. Far from it. I am actuated only by feelings 
of grief, feelings of sorrow, and of profound regret, 
irresistibly called forth by a contemi>lation of the 
miserable condition to which these unfortunate people 
have been reduced by acts of legislation proctu'ding 
from one of the States of this confederacy. I again 
assure the honorable Senators from Georgia that, if 
it has become my painful duty to comment upon some 
of these acts, I do it not with any desire to place 
them, or the State they represent, in an invidious 
position; but because Georgia was, I believe, the first 
in the career, the object of which seems to be the 
utter annihilation of every Indian right, and because 
she has certainly, in the promotion of it, far out- 
Btri[»ped every other State in the Union. 

I have not before me the various acts of the State 
in reference to the Indians within her bounds; and 
it is possible I may be under some Uiistake in refer- 
ence to them; and if I am, no one will correct the 
error more readily or with greater pleasure. 

If, however, I had all those laws in my hands, I 
should not now attempt to read them. Instead of 
this, it will be sufficient for me to state tlie eiiects 
which have been produced by them ujton the con- 
dition of the Cherokee Indians residing in that State. 



TREATMENT OF THE CHEROKEES. 341 

And here follows a list of what has been done bv her 
Legislature. Her first act was to abolish the govern- 
ment of these Cherokees. Ko human community can 
exist without a government of some kind ; and the 
Clierokees, imitatingour example, and having learned 
from us something of the princi})les of a free Consti- 
tution, established for themselves a government some- 
what resembling our owmi. It is quite immaterial to 
us what its form was. They always had had some 
government among them ; and we guaranteed to them 
the right of living under their own laws and customs, 
unmolested by any one; insomuch that our own citi- 
zens were outlawed, should they presume to interfere 
with them. What particular regulations they adopted 
in the manas^ement of their humble and limited con- 
cerns, is a matter with which we have no concern. 
However, the very first act of the Georgia Legislature 
was to abolish all governments of every sort among 
these people, and to extend the laws and government 
of the State of Georgia over them. The next step 
was to divide their territory into counties; the next, 
to sun^ey the Cherokee lands; and the last, to dis- 
tribute this land among the citizens of Georgia by 
lottery, giving to every head of a family one ticket, 
and the prize in land that should be drawn against it. 
To be sure, there were many reservations for the heads 
of Indian families — and of how much did gentlemen 
sujipose? — of one hundred and sixty acres only, and 
this to include their improvemetits. But even to this 
limited possession, the poor Indian was to have no 
fee-si niple title; he was to hold as a mere occupant, 
at the will of the State of Georgia, for just so long 
29* 



342 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

or so short a time as she miiiht think proper. The 
hiws at the same time ^ave him no one particular ri<rlit 
whatever. lie could not become a inemher of tlie 
State Leofislature, nor could he hold any office under 
State authority, nor could he vote as an elector. He 
possessed not one single right of a freeman. No, not 
even the poor privilege of testifying to his wrongs in 
the character of a witness in the courts of Georgia, 
or in any matter of controversy whatever. 

These, Mr. President, are the acts of the Legisla- 
ture of the State of Georjj^ia in relation to the Indians. 
They were not all passed at one session ; they were 
enacted, time after time, as the State advanced fur- 
ther and furtlier in her steps to the acquisition of the 
Indian country, and the destruction and annihihition 
of all Indian rights, until, by a recent act of the same 
body, the courts of the State itself are occluded 
against the Indian sufferer, and he is actually denied 
an appeal even to foreign tribunals, in the erectic^n 
and in the laws of which he had no voice, there to 
complain of his wrongs. If he enters the hall of 
Georgia's justice, it is upon a surrender at the thresh- 
old of all his rights. The history of this law to which 
I have alluded, is this: When the previous law of the 
State, dividing the Indian lands by lottery was passed, 
some Indians made an appeal to one of the judges of 
the State, and applied for an injunction against the 
proceeding; and such was the undeniable justice of 
their plea, that the judge found himself unable to 
refuse it, and he granted the injunction sought. It 
was the injunction which led to the passage cf this 
act, to some of the provisions of which I now invite 



treatment' of the C H E R K E E S . o43 

the attention of the Senate. And first, to the title 
of the act : 

"A bill to amend an act entitled an act more eflect- 
ually to provide ft^r the government and protection 
of the Cherokee Indians residing within the limits 
of Greorgia : and to prescribe the bounds of their 
occupant claims: and also to authorize grants to issue 
for lots drawn in tlie late land and gold lotteries." 

All, sir, it was the pursuit of gold which led the 
S{>anish invader to desolate the fair fields of Mexico 
and Peru — 

"And to provide for the appointment of an agent 
to carry certain parts thereof into execution; and to 
fix the salary of such agent, and to punish those per- 
sons who may deter Indians from enrolling for emi- 
gration, passed 20th December, 1833." 

Well, sir, this bill goes on to provide, 

" That it shall be the duty of the agent or agents 
appointed by his excellency the Governor, under the 
auth(^rity of this or the act of which it is amendatory, 
to report to him the number, district, and section of 
all lots of land subject to be granted by the provisions 
of said act, which he may be required to do b}^ the 
drawer, or his agent, or the person chiiming the 
same; and it shall be the duty of his excellency the 
Governor, upon the .npplication of the drawer of any 
of the aforesaid lots, his or her special agents, or the 
person to whom the drawer may have bona-fide con- 
veyed the same, his agent vv assigns, to issue a grant 
therefor; and it shall be the duty of the said agent 
or agents, upon the production of the grant so issued 
as aforesaid by the grantor, his or her agent, or the 



344 SPEECHES OF HENKY CLAY. 

person, or his jv her agent to whom the said land so 
granted as aforesaid may have been bona-fide con. 
veyed, to deliver possession of said granted lot to the 
said grantee or person entitled to tlie possession of 
the same under the provisions of this act, or the act 
of whicli this ie amendatory, and his excellency the 
Governor is hereby authorized, upon satisfactory evi- 
dence that the said agent is impeded or resisted in 
delivering such possession, by a force whicli he cannot 
overcome, to order out a snlBScient force to carry the 
power of said agent or agents fully into eflect, and to 
pay the expenses of the same out of the continsrent 
fund: Provided^ nothing in this act shall be so con- 
strued as to require the interference of the said agent 
between two or more individuals claiming possession, 
by virtue of titles derived from a, grant from the State, 
to any lot." 

Thus, after the State of Georgia had distributed the 
lands of the Indians by lottery, and the drawers of 
prizes were authorized to receive grants of the land 
drawn, and with these grants in their hand, were 
authorized to demand of the agent of the State, ap- 
pointed for tlie purpose, to be put in possession of the 
soil thus obtained. If an}- resistance to their entry 
should be made — and who was to make it but a poor 
Indian ? — the Governor was empowered to turn out 
the military force of the State, and enable the agent 
to take possession by force, without trial, without 
judgment, and without investigation. 

But, should there be two claimants of the prize, 
should two of the ticket-holders dispute their claim 
to the same lot, then no military force was to be used- 



TREATMENT OF THE CHEROKEES. 845 

It was only when the resistance was by an Indian — 
it was onlv when Indian rii^lits sliould come into col- 
lision with the alleged rights of the State of Georgia 
— that the strong hand, of military power was instantly 
to interpose. 

Tlie next section of the act is in these words: 
''^Atid be it furthf^r enacted by the authority aforesaid^ 
That if any person dispossessed of a lot of hmd under 
this act, or the act of which it is amendatory, shall 
go before a justice of the peace or of the inferior 
court, and make affidavit that he or she was not liable 
to be dispossessed under or by any of the provisions 
of this or the aforesaid act, and lile said affidavit in 
the clerk's office of the superior court of the county 
in which said land shall lie, such person, upon giving 
bcmd and security in the clerk's office for the costs to 
accrue on the trial, shall be permitted, within ten 
days from such dispossessing, to enter an appeal to 
said superior court, and at said court the judge shall 
cause an issue to be made up between the appellant 
and the person to whom possession of said land was 
delivered by either of said agents, which said issue 
shall be in the following form." 

[Mr. Cuthbert, of Georgia, here interposed; and, 
having obtained Mr. Clay's consent to explain, stated 
that he had unfortunately not been in the Senate 
when tbic honorable Senator commenced his speech ; 
but had learned that it w^as in support of a memorial 
from certain Cherokee Indians in the State of 
Georgia, who desired to emigrate. lie must be per- 
mitted to say, that the current of the honorable Sena- 
tor's remarks did not suit remarkably well the suhjeet 



;;.i(j s 1' 1 I-: cues of henry c l a \. 

of sncli a niemoriiil. A nieiuorial of a different kind 
liad been presented, and whieh the Committee on 
Indian Affairs had before it, to which the Senator's 
remarks wouhl bettei> apply. Tlie present discussion 
was wholly unexpected, and it seemed to liim not in 
consistency with the object of tlie memorial he had 

presenti'd.] 

Mr. Clay. — I am truly sorry the honorable orentle- 
man was absent when I commenced speaking;. I 
delayed presenting the memorial because I observed 
that neither of the Senators from Georgia were in 
their seats, until the liour when they midit be ex- 
pected to be present, and when one of them (Mr. King) 
had actually taken his seat. If the honorable Senator 
had been present, he would have heard me say that I 
tliought the presentation of the memorial a fit occa- 
sion to express my sentiments, not only touching the 
ria'hts of these individual petitioners, but on the 
riirhts of all the Indian tribes, and their relations to 
this Government. And if he will have but a little 
patience, he will find that it is my intention to present 
propositions which go to embrace both resolutions. 

And here, Mr. President, let me pause and invite 
the attention of the Senate to the provision in tlie act 
of Georgia which I was reading — that is, that he nniy 
have the privilege of an appeal to a tribunal of jus- 
tice, bv forms and by a bond with the nature and 
force of which he is nnacqtuiinted; and that then he 
niav have — what besides? I invoke the attention of 
the Senate to this part of the law. AVhat, I ask, does 
it secnre to the Indian? His rights? The riglits re- 
cognized by treaties? The rights guaranteed to him 



TREATMENT OF THE CHEROKEES. 347 

b}' the most solemn acts which human governments 
can perform. I^o. It allows him to come into the 
courts of the State, and there to enjoy the benefit of 
the summary proceeding called in the act "an appeal !'* 
— but which can never be continued beyond a second 
term; and when he comes there, what then? He 
sliall be permitted to come into court and enter an 
appeal, which shall be in the followitig form: 

"A. B., who was dispossessed of a lot of land by 
an agent of the State of Georgia, conies into court, 
and admitting the right of the State of Georgia to puss 
the law under which said agent acted^ avers that he was 
not liable to be dispossessed of said land, by or under 
any one of the provisions of the act of the General 
Assembly of Georgia, passed 20th December, 1833, 
'more efiectually to provide for the protection of (he 
Cherokee Indians residing within the limits of Geor- 
gia, and to prescribe the bounds of their occupant 
claims, and also to authorize grants to issue for lots 
drawn in the land and gold lotteries in certain cases, 
and to provide for the appointment of an agent to 
c irry certain parts thereof into execution, and fix the 
salary of such agent, and to punish those persons who 
may deter Indians from enrolling for emigration,' or 
the act amendatory thereof, passed at the session of 
the Legislature of 1834 : ' in which issue the person to 
wdiom possession of said land was delivered shall 
join; and which issue shall constitute the entire 
plead'ngs between the parties; nor shall the court 
al owany matter other than is contained in said issue 
to be placed upon the record or hies of said court; 
and said cause shall be tried at the first term of the 



348 SPEECHES OF II E N 1^ Y C L A T. 

court, niilops ^oo(\ canse shnll be shown for a continu- 
anco, and the same party shall not be permitted to 
continue said cause more than once, except for un- 
avoidable providential cause: nor shall said court, at 
the instance of either party, pass any order or grant 
any injuncti(Hi to staj' said cause, nor permit to be 
engrafted on said cause any other proceedings what- 
ever." 

At the same time w^e find, by another enactment, the 
judges of the courts of Georgia are restrained from 
granting injunctions, so that the only form in which 
the Indian can come before them, is in the form of 
an appeal; and in this, tlie very first step is an abso- 
lute renunciation of tlie rights he holds by treaty, and 
the unqualified admission of the rights of his antago- 
nist, as conferred by the laws of Georgia; and the 
court is expressly prohibited from putting anything 
else upon the record. Wliy? Do we not all know 
the reason? If the poor Indian was allowed to put 
in a plea stating his rights, and the court should then 
decide against him, the cause would go upon an 
appeal to the Su[)reme Court; tlie decision could be 
re-examined, could be annulled, and the autlioritj' of 
treaties vindicated. But, to prevent this, to make it 
impossible, he is compelled, on entering the court, to 
renounce his Indian rights, and the court is foi'bidden 
to put anythin.g on record which can bring up a deci- 
sion upon them. 

Mr. President, I have already stated that, in the 
observations I have made, I am actuated by no other 
feelintr than such as ouii:ht to be in the breast of 
every honest man — the feeling of common justice. 



TREATMENT OF THE CHEROKEES. 349 

I would pay nothing, I would whisper iiothins;-, 1 
would insinuate nothing-, I would think nothiiiLT, 
wliich can, in the remotest degree, cause irritation in 
the mind of any one, of any Senator here, of asy 
State ill this Union. I liave too much resj»ect for 
every member of the confederacy. I feel nothing hut 
grief for the wretched condition of these most unfor- 
tunate people, and every emotion of my bosom dis- 
suades me from the use of e[)ithets tliat might raise 
emotions which should draw the attention of the 
Senate from the justice of their claims. I forb^-ar to 
apj)!}' to this law any epithet of any kind. Sir, no 
e[)ithet is needed. The features of the law itself; its 
warrants for the interposition of military power, when 
no trial and no judgment has been allowed; its denial 
of any a[»peal, unless the unha})py Indian shall iirst 
renounce his own riglits, and admit the rights of his 
opponent — features such as these, are enough to show 
what the true character of the act is, and supersede 
the necessity- of all epithets, were I even capable of 
applying them. 

The Senate will thus perceive that the whole power 
of the State of Georgia, military as well as civil, has 
been made to bear upon these Indians, without tlieir 
having any voice in forming, judging upon, or exe- 
cuting the laws under which they are placed, and 
without even the poor privilege of establishing the 
injury they may have suffered by Indian evidence; 
nay, worse still, not even by the evidence of a white 
man ! Because the renunciation bv each of his riirhts 
precludes all evidence, white or black, civilized or 
savage. There, then, he lies, with his property, hia 
30 



350 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

rights, and every privilege wliicli niakes luiman exist- 
ence desirable, at the mercy of the State of Georgia; 
a State in whose government or laws he has no voice. 
Sir, it is impossible for the most active imngination to 
conceive a condition of Imnian society nK^re perfectly 
wretched. Shall I be told that the condition of the 
African slave is worse? No, sir; no, sir. It is vot 
worse. The interest of tlie master makes it at once 
his duty and his inclination to provide for the comfort 
and tlie health of his slave: for withont these he 
\\()uh] be unprofitable. Both pride and interest ren- 
der the master prompt in vindicating the rights of 
his slave, and protecting him from the oppression of 
others, and the laws secure to him the amydest means 
to do so. But who, what human being, stands in 
the relation of master, or any other relation, which 
makes him interested in the preservation and, protec- 
tion of the poor Indian, thus degraded and miserable? 
Thrust out from human society, without the sympa- 
thies of any, and placed without the pale of common 
justice, who is there to protect him, or to defend his 
ri fights? 

Such, Mr. President, is the present condition of 
these Cherokee memorialists, whose case it is my 
duty to submit to the consideration of the Senate. 
There remains but one more inquiry before I con- 
clude. Is there any remedy within the scope of the 
powers of the Federal Government as given by the 
Constitution ? If we are without the power, if we 
have no constitutional authority, then we are also 
without responsibility. Our regrets may be excited, 
our sympathies may be moved, our humanity may be 



TREATMENT OF THE CHER0KEE3. 351 

Bhockecl, oar hearts may be p'rievecl, but if our handg 
are tied, we can only unite with all the good, the 
Christian, the benevolent portion of the human family, 
in deploring what we cannot [)revent. 

But, sir, we are not thus powerless. I stated to 
the Senate, when I began, that there are two classes 
of the Cherokees ; one of these classes desire to emi- 
grate, and it was their petition I presented this morn- 
ing; and with respect to these, our powers are am[)le 
to afford them the most liberal and elfectual relief. 
They wish to go beyond the Mississippi, and to be 
guaranteed in the possession of the country which 
may be there assigned to them. As the Congress of 
the United States have full powers over the territo- 
toi'ies, we may give them all the guarantee which 
Congress cim express for the undisturl»ed possession 
of their lands. With respect to their case there can 
be no question as to our powers. 

And then, as to those who desire to remain on this 
side the river, I ask again, are we powerless? Can 
we afford them no redress? Must we sit still and see 
the injury they suffer, and extend no hand to relieve 
them? It were strange, indeed, were such the case. 
Why have we guaranteed to them the enjoyment of 
their own laws? Why have we pledged to them 
protecion? Why have we assigned them limits of 
territory? Why have we declared that they shall 
enjoy tlieir homes in peace, without molestation from 
any? If the United States Government lias con- 
tracted these serious obligations, it ought, before the 
Indians were induced by our assurances to rely upon 
our engagemeiit, to have explained to them its want 



352 SPEECHES OF HENRY C L A T. 

of aiithoritv to make tlie con tract. Before we pre- 
tend to Great Britaiti, to P^urope, to the civilized 
world, that such were the ri2:hts we would secure to 
the Indians, we ouij^ht to have examined tb.e extent 
and the <2:rounds of our own riij-ht to do so. But is 
such, indeed, our situation ? 'No, sir. Georgia has 
shut her courts a<>'ainst these Indians. What is the 
remedy? To open ours. Have we not the right? 
What says the Constitution ? 

" The judicial power shall extend to all cases in 
law and equity, arising under tiiis Constitution, the 
laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which 
shall be made, under their authority." 

But liere is a case of conilict between the ri2:hts of 
the proprietor."^ and the local laws; and here is the 
very case which the Constitution contemplated, when 
it dechired that the power of the Federal Judiciary 
should extend to all cases arising under the authority 
of tiie United States. Therefore it is fullv within the 
competence of Congress, under tiie provisions of the 
Constitution, to provide the manner in which the 
Cherokees mav have their ri^-hts decided, because a 
grant of the means is included in the grant of jui'is- 
diction. It is competent, then, for Congress to de- 
cide whether the Cherokees have a rii^ht to come into 
a court of justice, and to make an appeal to the 
hiicbest authority to sustain the solemn treaties under 
which their rights have been guaranteed, and in tlie 
saci'ed character of which they have reposed their 
confidence. And if Congiess possesses the power 
to extend relief to the Indians, ai'e they not bmind 
by the moat sacred of human considerations, the obli- 



> TREATMENT OF THE CHEROKEES. 353 

gntions of treaties, the protection assured tliem, bv 
everv Cliristian tie, ever\' benevolent t'eeliiio;, every 
humane impulse of the human iieart, to extend itV 
If they were to fail to do tliis, and there is, as rea- 
son and revelation declare there is, a trihunal of 
eternal justice to which all human power is amena- 
ble, how could thev, if they refused to perform their 
duties to this injured and oppressed, though civilized 
race, expect to escape the visitations of that Divine 
vengeance which none will be permitted to avoid 
who have committed wrong, or done injustice to 
others? 

At this moment, when tlie United States are uvcr 
ing on the Government of France the fulfilment of 
the oblii^ations of the treatv concluded with that 
countrv, to the execution of which it is conti^nded 
that France has plighted her sacred faith, what 
sreiiiith, what an irresistible force would he jriveii 
to our plea, if we could say to France that, in all in- 
8t;uiC':!S. we had comnletelv fulfilled all our en^'affe- 
nients, and that we had adhered faitafullv to everv 
obiigation which we had ct)fitracted, no matter whe- 
ther it was entered into with a powei-ful or a weak 
people ; if we could say to her that we had complied 
with all our engagements to others, that we now 
came before her, alwavs actiuii; lii^ht as we had done, 
to induce her also to fulfil her obliications with us. 
How shall we stand in the eyes of France a.nd of the 
civilized world, if, in spite of the most solemn trea- 
ties, which have existed for half a century, and have 
l)v.en recognized in every form, and b}' every brancli 
ot the Go\ erniiieiit, how shall we be justified if we 
3U* X 



354 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

suffer these treaties to be trampled under foot, and 
tLe rights which they were given to secure trodden 
in the dust? IIow would Great Britain, after the 
solemn understanding entered into with her at Ghent, 
feel after such a breach of faith ? And how could I, 
as a commissioner in the negotiation of that treaty, 
hold up my head before Great Britain, after being 
thus made an instrument of fraud and dece}>tion, as 
1 assuredly shall be, if the rights of the Indians are 
to be thus outraged, and the treaties by which they 
were secured violated ? IIow could I hold up my head, 
after such a violation of rights, and say that I am 
proud of my country, of which we must all wish to be 
proud ? 

For myself, I rejoice that I have been spared, and 
allowed a suitable opportunity to present my views 
and opinions on this great national subject, so inte- 
resting to the character of the country for justice and 
equity. I rejoice that the voice which, without charge 
of presumption or arrogance, I may say, has ever 
been raised in defence of the oppressed of the human 
species, has been heard in defence of this most op- 
pressed of all. To me, in that awful hour of death, 
to which all must come, and which, with respect to 
myself, cannot be very far distant, it will be a source 
of the highest consolation that an opportunity has 
been f)und by me, on the floor of the Senate, in tho 
discharge of my official duty, to pronounce my views 
on a course of policy marked by such wrongs as are 
calculated to arrest the attention of every one, and 
mat I have raised my humble voice, and pronounced 
my solemn protest against such wrongs. 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 355 



III. 

ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 

Delivered in the Senate of the United States, 1832. 

In rising to address the Senate, I owe, in the first 
place, tlie expression of my hearty thanks to the ma- 
jority, by whose vote, just given, I am indulged in 
occupying the floor on this most important question. 
I am happy to see that the days when the sedition 
acts and iras: laws were in force, and when screws 
w^ere applied for the suppression of the freedom of 
speech and debate, are not yet to return ; and that, 
wdien the consideration of a great question has been 
specially assigned to a particular day, it is not allowed 
to be arrested and thrust aside by any unexpected 
and unprecedented parliamentary manoeuvre. The 
decision of the majority demonstrates that feelings 
of liberality, and courtesy, and kindness, still prevail 
in the Senate; and that the}' will be extended even 
to one of the humblest members of the body ; for 
such, I assure the Senate, I feel myself to be. 

It may not be amiss again to allude to the extraor- 
d'nary reference of the subject of the public lands to 
the Committee of Manufactures. I have nothiuic to 
do with the motives of honorable Senators who com- 
posed the majority by wdjich that reference was or- 
dered. The decorum proper in this hall obliges me 
to consider their motives to have been pure and pa- 
triotic. But still I must be permitted to regard the 



356 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

proceedinor as very iiiiusnal. Tlie Senate lias a stand- 
incr Coninjittee on tlie Public Lands, appointed under 
lonof-establislied rules. Tlie niend)ers of tliat Com- 
mittee are presumed to be well acqnainted with tbe 
subject; tbey have some of them occupied the same 
station for many years, are well versed in the wbole 
legislation on tbe public lands, and familiar with 
every branch of it; and four out of five of them come 
from the new States. Yet, with a full knowledire of 
all these circumstances, a refcre!ice was ordered, by a 
majority of tbe Senate, to the Committee on Manu- 
factures — a Committee than which there is not an- 
other standing committee of the Senate wbose pre- 
scribed duties are more incongruous with the public 
domain. It happened, in tbe constitution of the 
Committee of Manufactures, that there was not a 
solitary Senator from tbe new States, and but one 
from any AYestern State. AVe earnestly protested 
against the reference, and insisted n|)on its imjtro- 
priety : but we were overruled by the majority, in- 
cluding a majority of Senators from tbe new States. 
I will not attempt an expression of tbe feelings ex- 
cited in my mind on that occasion. Wliatever may 
have been the intention of honorable Senators, I 
could not be insensible to tbe end)arrassment in wbieh 
the Committee of Manufactures was placed, and espe- 
cially myself. Altbougb any otber member of tliat 
Committee could liave rendered himself, with ap[)ro- 
priate researcbes and proper time, more competetit 
tban I was to understand tbe subject of the Public 
Lands, it was known tbat. fiom my local position, I 
alone was supposed to have any particular knowledge 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 357 

of them. Whatever emanated from the Committee 
was likely, tlieretore, to be ascribed to me. If the 
Committee should propose a measure of great libe- 
rality toward the new States, the old States mi^ht 
complain. If the measure should seem to lean to- 
ward the old States, the new might be dissatisfied. 
And, if it inclined to neither class of States, but 
recommended a plan according to which there would 
be dsti-ibuted impartial justice among all tlie States, 
.it was far from certain that any would be pleased. 

Without venturing to attribute to honorable Sena- 
tors the purpose of producing this personal embar- 
rassment, I felt it as a necessary consequence of tlieir 
act, just as much as if it had been in their contempla- 
tion. Nt^vertheless, the Committee of Manufactures 
cheerfully entered upon the dury which, against its 
will, was thus assigned to it by the Senate. And for 
the causes already noticed, that of preparing a report 
and suggesting some measure embracing the whole 
subject, devolved in the committee upon me. The 
general featu4-es of our land system were strongly im- 
pressed U[»on my memory ; but I found it necessary 
to re-exaniine some of the treaties, deeds of cession, 
and laws, which related to the acquisition and admin- 
istration of the public lands; and tlien to think of, 
and if possible strike out some project, which, with- 
out inflicting injury upon any of the States, might 
deal equally and justly with all of them. The rep'ort 
and bill, submitted to the Senate, after havi no- been 
previously sanctioned by a majority of the Commit- 
tee, were the results of this consideration. The re- 
port, with tlie exception of the principle of distribu- 



358 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

tion which concludes it, obtained the unanimona 
concurrence of the Committee of Manufactures. 

Tliis report and bill were hardly read in the Senate 
before tliey were violently denounced. And they 
were not considered by the Senate before a proposi- 
tion was made to refer the report to that very Com- 
mittee of the Public Lands to which, in the first in- 
stance, I contended the subject ought to have been 
assiirned. It was in vain that we remonstrated asrainst 
such a proceeding, as unprecedented; as implying 
unmerited censure on the Committee of Manufac- 
tures; as leading to interminable references : for what 
more reason could there be to refer the report of the 
Committee of Manufactures to the Land Committee 
than would exist for a subsequ<?nt reference of the 
rei)ort of this Committee, when made, to some third 
committee, and so on in an endless circle? Li spite 
of all our remonstrances, the same majority, with but 
little if ariy variation, which had originally resolved 
to refer the subject to the Committee of Manufac- 
tures, now deternnned to commit its bill to the Land 
Committee. And this not only witliout particular 
examination into the merits of the hill, but without 
the avowal of any specific amendment whicli was 
deemed necessary I The Committee of Public Lands 
after the lapse of some days, presented a report, and 
recommended a reduction of the price of the public 
lands immediately to one dollar per acre, and eventu- 
ally to fifty cents per acre; and the grant to the new 
States of fifteen per cent, on the nett proceeds of the 
sales, instead of ten, as proposed by the Committee 
of Manufactures, and nothing to the old States. 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 35S 

And now, Mr. President, I desire at this time to 
make a few observations in illustration of the origi* 
nal report; to supply some omissions in its composi- 
tion ; to say something as to the power and rights of 
thei General Government over the public domain ; to 
submit a few remarks on the counter-report; and to 
examine the assumptions which it contains, and the 
principles on which it is founded. 

No subject which had presented itself to the pre* 
sent, or perhaps any preceding Congress, was of 
greater magnitude than that of the public lands. 
There was another, indeed, which possessed a more 
exciting and absorbing interest, but the excitement 
was happily but temporary in its nature. Long after 
we shall cease to be agitated by the tariff, ages after 
our manufactures shall have acquired a stability and 
perfection which will enable them successfully to 
cope with the manufactures of any other country, the 
public lands will remain a subject of deep and endu- 
ring interest. In whatever view we contemplate them, 
there is no question of such vast importance. As to 
their extent, there is public land enough to found an 
empire; stretching across the inmiense continent, 
from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, from the 
Gulf of ^lexico to the northwestern lakes, the quan- 
tity, according to official surveys and estimates, 
amounting to the prodigious sum of one billion and 
eighty millions of acres! As to the duration of the 
interest regarded as a source of comfort to our people, 
and of public income — during the last year, when 
a greater quantity was sold than ever in one year had 
been previously sold, it amounted to less than three 



o 



60 S P E E C II K S OF HENRY CLAY. 



Tiiillioii^; (4' acres, ])r()(lnc'iiii2: tlirce and a lialf milliona 
of dollars. AssnniiiiLr tliat year as aiiorduiir tlie 
standard rate at whieh the lands \Till be annually 
8old, it would require three hundred years to dis- 
pose of tlieni. But the sales will probably be acce- 
lerated from increased population and other causes. 
We may safelv, bowever, anticipate that h)ni;, if 
not centuries after tbe present day. tbe representa- 
tives of our cbildren's cliildren may be deliberating 
in tbe balls of Congress on laws relating to tbe pub- 
lic lands. 

Tlie subject, on other points of view, challenged 
the fullest attention of an American statesman. If 
tberewere anyone circumstance more than all otbers 
wbicb distinguished our happy condition from that 
of tbe nations of tbe Old World, it was tbe possession 
of tbis vast national property, and tbe resources wliich 
it afforded to our people and our Government. No 
Euroi)ean nation (possibly witb tbe exception of Rus- 
sia) coninianded such an ample resource. Witb re- 
spect to tbe otber Republics of tbis continent, we 
have no information tbat any of tbem bave yet adopted 
a rei;ular system of previous survey aiul subsequent 
sale of tbeir wild lands, in convenient tracts, well de- 
lined, and^adapted to tbe wants of all. On the con- 
trary, the probability is tbat tbey adbere to tbe ruin- 
ous and mad system of old Spain, according to wliich 
large, unsurveyed districts are granted to favorite in- 
dividuals, j.rejudicial to them, wbo often sink under 
tbe incumbrance, and die in poverty, wbile tbe regu- 
lar current of immigration is cbccked and diverted 
from its legitimate cbaniiels. 



OK THE PUBLIC LANDS. S6i 

And if tlioro be, in tlie operations of this Govern- 
ment, one which more than any otlier (]is})hiys e<ni- 
snmmate wisdom and statesmanship, it is tliar system 
by which the public lands have been so snccessfnlly 
administered. We shouhi pause, s(demnly pause, 
before we subvert it. We should touch it hesita- 
tinirlv, and with the irentlest hand. The prudent 
management of the pnhlic hinds, in the hands of ihe 
General Government, will be more manifest b\ con- 
trasting it with that of several of the States, which 
had the disposal of large bodies of waste lunds, Vir- 
ginia i»ossessed an ample domain west of the moun- 
tains, and in the present State of Kentucky, over and 
above her muniticent cession to the General Govern- 
ment. Pressed for pecuniary means, by the Kevolu- 
tionary war, she brought her wild lands, dnrinii' its 
progress, into market, receiving jiayment in pa})er- 
money. There were no previous surveys of the waste 
lands — no townships, no sections, no oiiicial detini- 
tion or description of tracts. Each purchaser made 
his own location, describing the land bought as he 
tluiught proper. These locations or descriptions were 
of;en vague and uncertain. The consequence was, 
tluit the same tract was not unfrequi ntly entered va- 
rious times by diti'erent purchasers, so as to be lite- 
rail v shingled over with contiictiiig clain.s. The 
State perhaps sold in this way more than it was enti- 
tled to, but then it received uoihing in return that 
was valuable : while the purchasers, in consequence 
of the ciasiiinu- and interierence between their rights, 
were exposed to t. di«»us, vexatious, and I'uinous liii- 
gatiou. Kentucky long and severely sulfered from 
31 



-G2 s r i: h c u i: s of he n k y c l a y. 

thirt cnnsG, and is just emor2:in<j: from the troubles 
br()u<rlit upon her by improvident land legislation. 
Western Virginia has also suiiered greatly, though 
not to the same extent. 

The State of Georgia had large bodies of waste 
lands, which she disposed of in a manner satisfactory, 
no doubt, to herself, but astonishing to every one out 
of tliat conimonwealth. Accordins: to her system, 
waste lands are distributed in lotteries amoncr the 
people of the State, in conformity with the enact- 
ments of the Legislature. And when one district of 
country is disposed of, as there are mau}^ who do not 
draw prizes, the unsnccessful call out for fresh distri- 
butions. These are made from time to time, as lands 
are acquired from the Indians; and hence one of the 
causes of the avidity with which the Indian lands are 
sought. It is manifest that neither the present gene- 
ration nor posterity can derive much advantaire from 
this mode of alienating public lands. On the con- 
trary, I should think, it cannot fail to engender s]:)e- 
culation and a spirit of gambling. 

The State of Kentucky, in virtue of a compact with 
Virginia, acquired a right to a quantity of public 
lands south of Green river. Neglecting to ])rolit by 
the unfortunate example of the parent State, she did 
not order the country to be surveyed previous to its 
being offered to purchasers. Seduced by some of 
thor^e wild land projects, of which at all times there 
have been some afloat, and which hitherto the Gene- 
I'al Government alone has lij'ndy resisted, she was 
tempted to ofier her waste lands to settlers, at differ- 
ent prices, under the name of head-rights or pre- 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 86E 

emptions. As the Taws, like most legislation 'ipou 
encii subjects, were somewhat loosely worded, the 
keen eye of the speculator soon discerned the defects, 
and he took advantage of them. Instances had oc- 
curred of masters obtaining certificates of head-riglita 
in the name of their shives, and thus securing tlie 
hind, in contravention of the intention of the Legis- 
lature. Slaves geiit^rally have but one name, being 
called Tom, Jack, Dick, or IJarry. To conceal the 
fraud, the owner would add Black, or some other cog- 
nomination, so that the certificate would read Tom 
Black, Jack Black, &c. The gentleman from Ten- 
nes.-ee (Mr. Grundy) will remember, some twenty odd 
ye..rs ago, when we were both members of the Ken- 
tucky Legislature, tliat I took (occasion to animadvert 
upon these fraudulent practices, and observed that 
wljen the names canie to be alphabeted, the truth 
would be told, whatever might be the languao:e of 
the record; for the alphabet would read Black To\n, 
Black Harry, &c. Kentucky realized more in her 
treasury than the parent State had done, considering 
that she had but a remnant of public lands, and she 
added somewhat to her population. But her lands 
wei-e far less available tiian they would have been 
Ui.der a system of previous survey aiid regular sale. 

These observations in respect to the course of the 
respectable States referred to, in relation to their 
public binds, are not prompted by any unkind feelings 
t >ward them, but to sliow the superiority of the land 
system of the United States. 

Under the system of the General Government, the 
wisaom of which, in some respects, is admitted even 



804 S P E K C n K S OF HE N 11 Y C L A Y. 

hy tliv^ rcjyort of tlie Iniid conuiiittco. the coiiiitrv snb. 
jec't to its ojuM'ntioi:, beyond the Alleirbniiy ^foun- 
taiii^*, lias ni|>i(lly advaneed in population, improve- 
meiit, and prosperity. Tlie example of the State of 
Ohio was enijihatieally relied on by the repoit of the 
committee of manufactures — its million of people, its 
canals and othei' im])rovem«'nts, its flourishing towns, 
its hiu-lilv-cnltivated fields, all put there within less 
than foi'tv years. To weaken the force of this ex- 
am]>le, the land committee deny that the popuhntif>n 
of that State is principally settled upon public lands 
derived from the General Government. But, ^fr. 
President, with great deference to that committee, I 
must say tliat it labors under misa|»pre]iension. Three- 
fourths, if not four-fli\hs, of the population of that 
State are settled upon public lands purchased from 
the United States, and they are the most flourishins: 
pai'ts of the State. For the correctness of this state- 
ment, I appeal to my friend from Ohio (Mr. Ewing), 
near me. He knows, as well as I do, that the rich 
valleys of the Miami of Ohio, and the Mauniee of tlie 
.ake, the Scioto and the Mu-kingum. are })rincipally 
settled hv ])ersons deriving titles to their lands from 
the United States. 

In a natiomd point of view, one of the greatest ad- 
vantages which these public lands in the West, and 
this svstem of sellini; them, atlbrds, is the resource 
M-hich they present against pressure and want, in other 
parts of tlie Union, froin the vocations of society 
being too closely tilled and too much crowded. They 
constantly tend to sustain the price of labor, by the 
opportunity which they offer for the acquisition of 



y 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 365 

fertile land at a moderate price, and tlie consequent 
temjttation to eniiii:rare from those parts of the Union 
wliere labor may be badly rewarded. 

The progress of settlement, and the improvement 
in the fortunes and condition of individuals, under 
the ojieration of this benelicent system, are as simple 
as they are manifest. Pioneers of a more adven- 
turous character, advancing before the tide of emi- 
gration, penetrate into tlie uninhabited regions of the 
AVest. They ap})ly tlie axe to the forest, wliich falls 
before them, or the plough to the prairie, dee})ly sink- 
inof its share in tlie unbroken wild irrasses in which it 
abounds. They build liouse,s, plant orchards, inclose 
fields, cultivate the earth, and rear tip families around 
them. ]\leantime, the tide of emigration Hows upon 
them, their improved farms rise in value, a demand 
for them takes place, they sell to the new-comers at a 
great advance, and i)roceed farther West, with ample 
means to purchase from government, at reasonable 
prices, sufficient land for all the membery of their 
families. Another and another succeeds, the lirst 
pushijig on westward ly the previous settlers, who in 
their turn sell out their farms, constantly augmenting 
in price, until they arrive at a fixed and stationary 
Vidue. In this wav, thousands and tens of thousands 
are dailv imnrovina,* their circumstances and bettering 
their condition. I have ofien witnessed this gratis 
fving progress. On the same farm you may some- 
times behold, standing together, tlie first rude cabin 
of round and unhewn logs, and wooden cliimneys; 
the liewed-loiT liouse, chinked and shiui^led, with 
stone or brick chimneys; and lastly, the comfortable 



366 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

• 

brick or stone dwelling; each denoting tlie different 
occupants of the fann, or the several stages in the 
condition of the same occupant. AVhat other nation 
can l)oast of such an outlet for its increasing popu- 
hition, such bountiful means of promoting their pros- 
perity, and securing their inde[»en(lence? 

To the ytublic lands of the United States, and espe- 
cially to the existing system by which they are dis- 
tributed with so much regularity and equity, are we 
indebted for these siic^ial benefits in our national con- 
dition. And every consideration of dutv, to our- 
selves and to posterity, enjoins that we should abstain 
from the adoption of any wild project that would cast 
away this vast national property, holden by the Gene- 
ral Government in sacred trust for the whole people 
of the United States, and forbids that we sliould 
rashly touch a system which has been so successfully 
tested by experience. 

It has been only within a few years that restless 
men have thrown before the public their visi(mary 
plans for squandering the public domain. With the 
existino; laws the ^reat State of the West is satisfied 
and contented. Slie has felt their benefit, and grown 
great and powerful under their sway. She knows 
and testifies to the liberalitv of the General Govern- 
H'ent in the administration of the public lands, ex- 
tended alike to her and to the other new States. 
There are no petitions from, no movements in Ohio, 
proposing vital and radical changes in the system. 
J)uring the long period, in the Hcuise of Representa- 
tives and in the Senate, that her u[)right and unam- 
bitious citizen, the first representative of that State, 



ON THE PUBLIC LAJ^^DS. 367 

and afterward successively Senator and Governor, 
presided over the Coniniittee of Public Lands, we 
heard of none of these chimerical schemes. All went 
on smoothlj^, and qnie\y, and safely. :N'o man, in 
the sphere within which he has acted, ever com- 
manded or deserved the implicit confidence of Con- 
gress more thnn Jeremiah Morrow. There existed a 
perfect pers>iasion of his entire impartiality and justice 
between the old States and the new. A few artless 
but sensible words, pronounced in his plain Scotch- 
Irish dialect, were always sufficient to insure the pas- 
sage of any bill or resolution which he reported. For 
about twenty-live years there was no essential change 
in the system; and that which was at last maffe, 
varying the price of the public lands from two dol-hirs' 
at which it had all that time remained, to one dollar 
and <i quarter, at which it has been fixed only about 
ten or twelve years, was founded mainly on the con- 
sideration of abolishing the previous credits. 

Assuming the duplication of our population in 
terms of twenty -live years, the demand for waste 
land, at the end of every term, will at least be double 
what it was at the commencement. J3ut the ratio of 
the increased demand will be nmch greater than the 
increase of the ivhole population of the United States, 
because the Western States nearest to, or including 
the public lands, populate much more rapidly than 
other parts of the Union; and it will be froni them 
that the greatest current of emigration will flow. At 
this moment Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee, are the 
most migrating States in the Union. 

To supply this constantly-augmenting demand, the 



368 



SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 



)u)li('v wliicli lias liit]iort(~) clinracterized the General 
G(n'('ri]Tncnt lias been liiirlily lii)i'ral toward hotli in- 
dividuals and tlie new Stal( s. Larire tracts, fur sur- 
])assin2: tlie demand of })nrc. asers, in everv clinnite 
and situation, adapted to the wants of all i)arts of the 
Union, are brought into market at moderate prices, 
the Government having sustained all the expense, of 
the original purchase, and of surveying, narking, 
and dividing the land. For fifty dollars any poor 
man may purchase fort}' acres of Hr-t-rate land ; ami 
for less than the waives of one vear's labor, he mav 
buv eiiz:htv acres. To the new States, ;tls(», has tlie 
Government been libei'al and i^enerous in the urants 
for schools and for internal impiovements, as well as 
in reducing: the debt contracted for the i>nrchase of 
lands, by the citizens of those States, who were 
tempted, in a spirit of inordinate speculation, to pur- 
chase too much, or at too high prices. 

Such is a rapid outline of this invaluable national 
propertv — of the system which regulates its manage- 
ment and distribution, and of the eifec s of that .-vs- 
tern. We might here pause, and wonder that there 
should l)e a disposition with any to waste or throw 
away this "Treat resource, or to abolish a s\steni wliich 
has been frano^ht with so manv nnmifest advantau'es. 
Kevertlieless. there are such who, impatient with the 
slow and natural operation of wise laws, have put 
forth various pretensions and projects concerning the 
public laiiils, within a few years past. One of these 
pretensions is an assumption of the sovereign right 
of the new States to all the lands within their respi-c- 
tive limits, to the exclusion of the General GtA-ern- 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 860 

ment, and to the exclusion of all the people of the 
United States, those in the new States only excepted. 
It is n»y pnrpose now to trace the oricrin, examine the 
natJire, and expose the injustice of tiiis pretension. 

This pretension may be fairly ascribed to the pro- 
positions of the s:entleman from Missouri (Mr. Benton) 
to o^raduate the public lands, to reduce the price, and 
tede the " refuse" lands (a term which I believe ori- 
ginated with him) to the States within which they 
lie. Prompted probably by these propositions, a late 
(rovernor of Illinois, unwillins: to be outdone, pre- 
sented an ehiborate messao:e to the Leo^islature of that 
State, in which he irravclv and formally asserted the 
light of that State to all the land of tlie United States 
comiu-ehended within its limits. It must be allowed 
that the Governor was a most im[)artial judge, and 
the Legislature a niobt disinterested tribunal, to decide 
such a question ! 

The Senator from Missouri was chantino- most 
svv'eetly to the tune "refuse lands," *' refuse lands," 
"refuse lands," on the Missouri side of the ^Missis- 
sippi, and the soft strains of his music havinor cauHit 
the ear of his excellency on the Illifiois side, lie joined 
in chorus and struck an octave higher. The Senator 
from Missouri wished only to pick up some crumbs 
which fell from Uncle Sam's table; but the Governor 
resolved to grasp the whole loaf. The Senator mod- 
estly claimed only an old, smoked, rejected joint; but 
the stomach of his excellency yearned after the whole 
hog! The Governor peeped over the Mississippi into 
Missoui-i, and saw the Senator leisurelv roamiii"- in 
S(;nie rich pastures, on bits of refuse lunds. lie re- 

Y 



370 SPEECHES 0? HENRY CLAY. 

turned to Illinois, and, sprinoring into the grand 
prairie, determined to claim and occupy it in all its 
boundless extent. 

Then came the resolution of the Senator from Vir- 
ginia (Mr. Tazewell) in May, 1826, in the following 
words : 

^'' Resolved^ That it is expedient for the Tnited 
States to cede and surrender to tlie several Stntos, 
within whose limits the same mny he situated, all the 
right, title, and interest of the Fnited States, to any 
hinds lying and being within the boundaries of puch 
States, respectively, upon such terms and conditions 
as may be consistent with the due observance of the 
public faith, and with the general interest of the 
United States." 

The latter words rendered the resolution somewhat 
ambiguous; but still it contemplated a cession and 
surrender. Subsequently, the Senator from Virginia 
proposed, after a certain time, a gratuitous surrender 
of all unsold lands, to be applied by the Legislature, 
in support of education and the internal improvement of 
the State. 

[Here Mr. Tazewell controverted' the statement. 
Mr. Clay called to the Secretary to hand him the 
journal of April, 1828, which he held up to the Sen- 
ate, and read from it the following: 

'* The bill to graduate the price of the public lands, 
to make donations thereof to actual settlers, and to 
cede the refuse to the States in which they lie, being 
under consideration — 

Mr. Tazewell moved to insert the following as a 
substitute : 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 371 

"That the lands which shall have been subject to 
Bale under the provisions of this act, and shall remain 
unsold for two years, after having been ofl^ered at 
twenty-five cents per acre, shall be, and the same are 
ceded to the State in which the same may lie, to be 
applied by the Leg'slature thereof in support of edu- 
cation, and the internal improvement of the State."] 

Thus it appears not only that the honorable Sena- 
tor proposed the cession, but showed himself the 
friend of education and internal improvements, by 
means derived from the General Government. For 
this liberal disposition on his part, I believe it was, 
that the State of Missouri honored a new county with 
his name. If he had carried his proposition, that 
State might well have granted a principality to him. 

The memorial of the Legislature of Illinois, pro- 
bably produced by the message of the Governor al- 
ready noticed, had been presented, asserting a claim 
to the public lands. And it seems — although the 
fact had escaped my recollection until I was reminded 
of it by one of her Senators (Mr. Hendricks) the 
other day — that the Legislature of Indiana had in- 
structed her Senators to bring forward a similar claim. 
At the last session, however, of the Legislature of 
that State, resolutions had passed, instructing her 
delei>:atiou to obtain from the General Government 
cessions of the unappropriated public lands, on the 
most favorable terms. It is clear from this last ex- 
pression of the will of that Legislature, that, on re- 
consideration, it believed the right of the public lands 
to be in the General Government, and not in the 
State of Indiana. For, if they did not belong to the 



372 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAT. 

General Cove rnnient, it liad notliii.g to cecle; if they 
belonged already to the State, no cest^ion was neces- 
sary to tlie [lerfec'tion nf the riizht of the State. 

I will 1 re suhrnit a passing ohservation. If the 
General Government had the power to code tlie pnhlic 
lands to the new States for ]'articiilar pnr) oses, and 
on prescribed conditions, its power nnist be unqnes- 
tionable to make some reservations for similar ])nr- 
poses in behalf of the old Stares. Its power cannot 
be without limit as to the new States, and circum- 
scribed and restricted as to the old. Its ca]:)acity to 
bestow benefits or dispense justice is not confined to 
the new States, but is co-extensive with the wh(»le 
Union. It may irrant to all, or it can erant to none. 
And this comprehensive equity is not only in con- 
formity with the spirit of the cessions in the deeds 
from the ceding States, but is expressly enjoined by 
the terms of those deeds. 

Such is the probable origin of the pretension which 

I have been tracing; and now let us examine its 

nature and foundation. The argument in behalf of 

the new States, is founded on the notion, that as the 

old States, upon coming out of the Revolutionary 

War, had or claimed a ri^rht to all the lands within 

their respective limits, and as the new States liave 

been admitted into the Union on the same footing 

and condition in all res[)ects with the old, therefore 

they are entitled to all the waste lands end)raced 

within their boundaries. But the arirument forii-ets 

that all the revolutionary States had not wastelands; 

that some had verv little, and others none. It for- 

ZQts that the riiiht of the States to the waste lauds 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 373 '^ 

witl ill tli.'ir limits was controverted ; and that it was 
insisted tliat, as tliey luid been conquered in a common 
war, waged with common means, and attended with 
general sacrifices, the public lands should he held for 
the common benefit of all the States. It forgets that 
in consequence of this right asserted in behalf of the 
whole Union, tl e Stales that contained any large 
bodies of waste lands (and Virginia, particularly, that 
had the most) ceded them to the Union for the equal 
benefit of all the States. It forgets that the very 
equality, v\hich is the basis of the argument, would 
be totally subverted by the admission of the validity 
of the pretension. For how would the matter then 
stantl? The revolutionary States will liave divested 
themselves of the large districts of vacant lands which 
tliey contained, for the common benefit of all the 
States; and those same lands will enure to the benefit 
of the new States exclusively. There will be, on the 
S!ip[>osition of the validity of the pretension, a rever- 
sal of the condition of the two classes of States. In- 
stead of the old having, as is alleged, the wild lands 
v/hich they included at the epoch of the Eevolution, 
they will have none, and the new States all. And 
this in the name and for the purpose of equality 
among all the members of the confedera9y! AVhat, 
especially, would be the situation of Virginia? She 
magnanimously ceded an empire in extent for the 
common benefit. And now it is projiosed, not only to 
withdraw that empire from the object of its solemn 
dedication, to the use of all the States, but to deny 
her any participation in it, and appropriate it exclu- 
sively to the benefit of the new States carved out of it] 
32 



374 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

If the new States had any right to the public lands, 
in order to produce the very equality contended for, 
they ought forthwith to cede that right to the Union, 
for the common benefit of all the States. Having 
no such right, they ought to acquiesce clieerfully in 
an equality which does, in fact, now exist between 
them and the old States. 

The Committee of Manufactures has clearly shown, 
that if the right were recognized in the new States 
now existing, to the public lands within their limits, 
each of the new States, as they might hereafter he 
successively admitted into the Union, would have 
the same right; and consequently that the pretension 
under examination embraces, in eflfect, the whole 
public domain, that is, a billion and eighty millions 
of acres of land. 

The ri""ht of the Union to the public lands is in- 
contestable. It ouglit not to be considered debate- 
able. It never was questioned but by a few, whose 
monstrous heresy, it was probably supposed, would 
escape animadversion from the enormity of the ab- 
surdity, and the utter impracticability of the success 
of the claim. The right of the whole is sealed by 
the blood of the Revolution, founded upon solemn 
deeds of cession from sovereign States, deliberately 
executed in the face of the world, or resting upon na- 
tional treaties concluded with foreign Powers, on am- 
ple equivalents contributed from the common treasury 
of the people of the United States. 

This right of the whole was stamped upon the face 
of the new States at the very instant of their parturi- 
tion. Tliey admitted and recognized it with their 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 375 

first breath. They hold their stations, as members 
of the Confederacy in virtue of that admission. The 
Senators who sit here, and the members in the House 
of Representatives from the new States, deliberate in 
Congress with 6ther Senators and Representatives, 
under tliat admission. And, since the new States 
came into being, they have recognized this right of 
the General Government bv innumerable acts: 

By their concurrence in the passage of hundreds of 
laws respecting the public domain, founded upon the 
incontestable right of the whole of the States; 

By repeated applications to extinguish Indian titles, 
and to survey the lands which they covered; 

And by solicitation and acceptance of extensive 
grants from the General Government, of the public 
lands. 

The existence of the new States is a falsehood, or 
the right of all the States to the public domain is an 
undeniable truth. They have no more right to the 
jiublic lands, within their panicular jurisdiction, than 
otuer States have to the mint, the forts and arsenals, 
or puhlic ships within theirs, or tlian the people of 
tne District of Columbia have to this magniiicent, 
Capitol, in whose splendid halls we now deliberate. 

The equality contended for between all the States 
now exists. The public lands are now held, and 
ought to be held and administered, for the common 
benetit of all. I hope our fellow-citizens of Illinois, 
Indiana, and Missouri, will reconsider the matter; 
that tiiey will cease to take counsel from demagogues 
who would deceive them, and instil erroneous |.)rinci- 
ples into their ears ; and that they will feel and ao- 



r.T6 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

knowledge that their hretliren of Kentucky and of 
Ohio, and of all the States in the Union, have an 
equal rii>:ht with the citizens of those three States in 
the public lands. If the possibility of an event so 
direful as a severance of this Union were for a mo- 
ment contemplated, what would be the probable con- 
sequence of such an unspeakable calamity ; if three 
confederacies were formed out of its fragments, do 
you imagine that the western confederacy would con- 
sent to the States including the public lands, holding 
them exclusively for themselves? Can you imagine 
that the States of Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee, 
would quietly renounce their right in all the public 
lands west of them ? No, sir ! No, sir ! They would 
wade to their knees in blood before they would make 
such an unjust and ignominious surrender. 

But this pretension, unjust to the old States, un- 
equal as to all, would be injurious to the new States 
themselves, in whose l)el)alf it has been put forth, if 
it were recognized. The interest of the new Stat a 
is not coniined to the lands within their limits, but 
extends to the whole billion and eighty millions of 
acres. Sanction the claims, however, and they are 
cut down and restricted to that which is included in 
their own boundaries. Is it not better for Ohio, in- 
stead of the live millions and a half for Indiana, in- 
stead of the fifteen millions — or even for Illinois, 
instead of the thirty-one or thirty -two millions — or 
Missouri, instead of the thirty-eiglit niillions — within 
their respective limits, to retain their interest in those 
several quantities, and also retain their interest, iu 
commou with the other memberd of the Uaioii, iu the 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 377 

countless millions of acres that lie west, or north-west, 
bev(»nd them ! 

I will now proceed, Mr. President, to consider the 
expediency of a reduction of the price of the public 
lands, and the reasons assigned by the Land Com- 
mittee, in their report, in favor of that measure. 
They are presented there in formidable detail, and 
s[iread out under seven different heads. Let us exa- 
mine them: the first is, "because the new States 
have a clear right to participate in the l)enefits of a 
reduction of the revenue to the wants of the Govern- 
ment, by getting the redaction extended to the article 
of revenue cliiefly used by them,'' Here is a renewal 
of the attempt made early in the session to ct)nfound 
the public lands with foreign imports, which was so 
successfully exposed and refuted by the report of the 
Committee of Manufactures. Will not the new St;>* -s 
partici[)ate in any reduction of the revenue, in ct)m- 
mon with the old States, without touching the pub- 
lic lands? As far as they are consumers of objects 
of foreign imports, will they not equally share the 
benefit with the old States? What right, over and 
a ove that e(pial participation, have the new States 
to a reduction of the [)rice of the public lands? As 
States^ what right, much less what ''clear right," 
have they to any such reduction ? In their sovereign 
or corporate capacities, what right? Have not all 
the sti{)ulations between them, as States, and the 
General Government, been fully complied with ? 
Have the peo^de within the new States, considered 
disiiuct fri)m the States themselves, any right to such 
reduction ? Whence is it derived ? They went there 
32* 



378 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

ill pursuit of their own htippiiiess. They bousjht 
lands from the public because it was their interest to 
make tlie purchase, and they enjoy them. Did they, 
because they purchased some hind,- which they pos- 
sess i)eacefully, acquire any, and what riglit, in the 
land which they did not buy ? But it may be argued 
that, by settling and improving these lands, the adja- 
cent public lands are enhanced in value. True; and 
so are their own. The enhanced value of the public 
lands was not a consequence which they went there 
to produce, but was a collateral effect, as to which 
they were passive. The puhlic does not seek to avail 
itself of this augmentation in value, by augmenting 
the price. It leaves that where it was; and the de- 
niand for reduction is made in behalf of those who 
say their labor has increased the value of the public 
lands, and the claim to reduction is founded upon 
the fact of enhanced value! The public, like all 
other landhohlers, had a right to anticipate that the 
fialeof a part would communicate, ineidentall\% irreater 
value to the residue. And, like all other land pro- 
prietors, it has the right to ask more for that residue, 
but it does not; and for one, I should be as unwill- 
ing to disturb the existing pi'ice by augmentation as 
by reduction. But the public lands is the article of 
revenue which the people of the new States chiefly 
consume. In another [tart of this report liberal grants 
of the public lands are recommended, and the idea 
of holding the public lands as a source of reven'ue is 
scouted, hecause it is sai<l that more revenue could be 
collected from the settlers as consumers, than from 
the lauds. Here it seems that the public lands ar6 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. o79 

the articles of. revenue chiefly consumed by the new 
States. 

With respect to lands yet to be sold, they are open 
to the purchase alike of emigrants fn^m the old States, 
and settlers in the new. As the latter have more 
generally supplied themselves with lands, the proba- 
bility is, that the emigrants are more interested in the 
question of reduction than the settlers. At all 
events, there can be no peculiar right to such reduc- 
tion existing in the new States. It is a question 
common to all, and to be decided with reference to 
the interest of the whole Ui.ion. 

"2. Because, the public debt being now paid, the 

'public lands are entirely released fi-om the pledge 

they were under to that object, and are free to receive 

a new and liberal destination, for the relief of the States 

in which they lie.'' 

The payment of the public debt is conceded to be 
near at hand ; and it is admitted that the public lands, 
heing liberated, may now receive a new and liberal 
destination. Such an appropriation of their proceeds 
is proposed by the bill reported by the Committee of 
Manufactures, and which I shall hereafter call the at- 
tention of the Senate more particularly to. But it 
did not seem just to tliat committee, that this new 
and liberal destination of them should be restricted 
"for the relief of the States in which they lie" ex- 
clusively, but should extend to all the States indis- 
criminately, upon principles of equitable distribution. 

"3. Because, nearly one hundred millions of acres 
of the land now in market are the refuse of sales and 
donations, through a long series of years, and are of 



880 p P 1- '• c n V- > 1- IT !•: n r y c l a y. 

vorv little actual value, and onlv tit to he sriven to 
seitiers, or abandoned to tlie States in wliicli they lie." 
Accordinsc to an official statement, the total quan- 
tity of puhlic land which has heen surveyed up to the 
31st of December last, was a little uyiward of one 
hundred and sixty-two millions of acres. Of this a 
hr ire proportion — perhaps even more than the one 
liui.dred millions of acres stated in the land re}>ort — 
lias been a long time in market. The entire quan- 
tity which has ever been sold by the United States, 
up to the same day, after deducting lands relinqiiished 
and lands reverted to the United States, according to 
an official statement also, is twenty-five millions, two 
hundred fortv-two thousand, five hundred and ninety 
acres. Thus, after the lapse of thirty-six years, 
dnrins: which the present land system has heen in 
operation, a little more than twenty -five millions of 
acres have been sold, not averaging a million per 
annum, and upward of one bundred millions of tlie 
surveved lands remain to be sold. The arirument of 
the re}»ort of the land committee assumes tbat " nearly 
one hundred millions are the refuse of sales and dona- 
tions." are of v(M'v little actual value, and onlv fit to 
be irive!) to settlers, or abandoned to the States in 
which thev lie. 

Mr. President, let us define as we go — let us ana- 
lyze. What do the land committee mean l)y '' refuse 
land"? Do they mean worthless, inferior, rejected 
land, which nobody will buy at the present govern- 
ment ['rice ? Let us look at facts, and make them our 
guide. The government is constantly pressed by the 
new States to bring more and more lauds into the 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 381 

market: to extina-uish more Tiulian title^i; to snrvev 
more. Tlie new States themselves are ]>i'ol»al)I\- ur<n'(] 
to (operate upon tlie General Government hv innni- 
grants and settlers, wlio see still before tliein, in tlieir 
progress west, other new hinds which thev desire. 
The General Government vields to the solicitation. 
It throws more land into tlie market, and it is an- 
nually and daily preparing additional surveys of fresh 
lands. It has thrown, and is preparing to throw, open 
to i)urchasers alreadv, one hundred and sixtv-two 
millions of acres. And now, because the canacitv to 
purchase, in its nature limited by the growth of our 
po])ulation, is totally incompetent to absorb this im- 
mense quantity, the Government is called upon, by 
some of the very |)ersons who urged tlie exposition 
of this vast amount to sale, to consider all that re- 
mains unsold as refuse! Twenty -five millions in 
thirtv-six vears onlv are sold, and all the rest is to be 
looked upon as refuse. Is this right? If there had 
been live hundred millions in market, there probably 
would not have been more, or much more, sold. But 
I deny the correctness of the conclusion that it is 
worthless because not sold. It is not sold becar.se 
there were not peo[)le to buy it. You must have gone 
to other countries, to other worlds, to the moon, and 
drawn thence people to buy the prodii;ious quantity 
which you offered to sell. 

liefuse land ! A purchaser goes to a district of 
country and buys out of a township a section which 
strikes his fancv. lie exhausts his monev. Others 
might have pieferred other sections. Other sections 
may even be better than his. He can with no mure 



382 SPEECUES OF HENKY CLAY. 

propriety be said to have "refused" or rejected all 
tlie otlier sections, than a man who, attracted by the 
beaut V, charms, and accomplishments of a particular 
ladv, marries her, can be said to have rejected or re- 
fused all the rest of the sex. 

Is it credible tliat out of one hundred and fifty or 
one hundred and sixty millions of acres of land in a 
valley celebrated for its fertility, there are only about 
twenty-five millions of acres of good land, ami that 
all the rest is refuse? Take the State of Illinois as 
an example. Of all the States in the Union, that 
State probably contains the greatest proportion of 
rich, fertile lands — more than Ohio, more than Indi- 
ana, abounding as they both do in fine lands. Of the 
thirtv-three and a half ftiillions of public lands in 
Illinois, a little more than two millions have been 
sold. Is the residue of thirty-one millions all refuse 
land? Who, that is acquainted in the West, can 
assert or believe it? No, sir; thei*e is no such thing. 
The unsold lands are unsold because of the reasons 
already assigned. Doubtless there is much inferior 
land remaining, but a vast quantity of the best of 
lands also. For its timber, soil, water-power, grazing, 
minerals, almost all land possesses a certain value. 
If the lands unsold are refuse and worth ess in the 
liands of the General Government, why are they 
sought after with so much avidity? If in our hands 
they are good for nothing, what more would tliey be 
worth in the hands of tlie new States? "Only fir to 
be given to settlers!" What settlers would thank 
y(^,u ? what settlers would not scoru a gift of refuse. 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 383 

worthless land? If von mean to be c:enerons. irive 
them what is valnable; be manlv in vour srenerositv. 

But let us examine a little closer this idea of refuse 
land. If tliere be any State in which it is found in 
lar2:e qiiantities, that State would be Ohio. It is the 
oldest of the new States. There the public hinds 
have remained lonf:;er exposed in the market. ]>ut 
there we find ojdy live and a half millions to be sold. 
And I hold in my hand an account of sales in the 
Zanesville district^ one of the oldest in that State, 
made during the present year. It is in a piiper enti- 
tled the ''Ohio Republican," published at Zanesville, 
the 26th May, 1832. The article is headed ''Refuse 
Land." and it states: 

"It has suited the interest of some to represent the 
lands of the United States which have remained in 
market for many years, as mere ' refuse' which can- 
not be sold; and to urge a rapid reduction of price, 
and the cession of the residue in a short period to the 
States in wdiich they are situated. It is strongly 
urged against this plan that it is a speculating [>roject, 
wliich, by alienating a large quantity of land from 
the [Tnited States, will cause a great increase of price 
t<» actual settlers in a few vears — instead of their 
being able for ever, as it may be said in the case 
under the present sy?-tem of land sales, to obtain a 
farm at a reasonable price. To show how far the 
lands unsold are from being worthless, we copy from 
the 'Gazette' the following statement of recent sales 
in the Zanesville district, one of the oldest districts 
in the West. The sales at the Zanesville land-otiico 
since the commencement of the present year have 



384 SPEECHES OF HENRY C L A T. 

been as f"ll<)\vs: J.-ninnrv, §7.120 80; Fobrnarv, 
$8,542 67; Maivli, $11,744 75; April, $9,209 19; nud 
since the first of tlie i)reseiit moiitb about $9,000 
worth liave been sold, more than hall:' of whieli were 
in fortv-acre lots." 

And there cannot be a doubt that the act passed at 
this season, authorizing sales of ft)rty acres, will, from 
the desire to make additions to farms, and to settle 
younir members of farniru'S, increase tlie sales very 
much, at least during this year. 

A friend of mine in tliis city bought in Illinois, last 
fall, about two thousand acres of tliis refuse land, at 
the minimum price, for wliich he has lately refused 
six dollars per acre. An officer of this body, now in 
inv eve. purchased a small tract of this same I'cfuse 
land of one liundred and sixty acres, at second or 
third hand, entered a few years ago, and which is now 
estimated at nineteen hundred dollars. It is a busi- 
ness, a very i)rofitable business, at which fortunes are 
made in the new States, to jnirchase these refuse 
lands, and, without improving them, to sell them at 
larire advances. 

Far from being discouraged by the fact of so much 
surveyed T)ublic land remainiuii: unsold, we should 
rejoice that this bountiful resource, jjossessed by our 
country, remains in almost u!idiniinished quantity, 
notwithstanding so many new and nourishing States 
have s|»rung up in the wilderness, and so many thou- 
sands of families have been accommodated. It might 
be otherwise if the public landa were dealt out by 
Government with a sparing, grudging, griping hand. 
But they are liberally oliered, in exhau&tlcss (^uunti- 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 385 

ties, and at moderate prices, enriclnng individuals, 
and tendino- to the rapid improvement of the country. 
The two important facts brought forward and em- 
phatically dwelt on by the Committee of Manufac- 
tures stand in their full force, unaffected by anything 
stated in the report of the Land Committee. These 
facts must carr^' conviction to every unbiased mind 
that will deliberately consider them. The first is, the 
rapid increase of the new States, far outstripping the 
old, averaging annual!}^ an increase of eight and a 
half per cent., and doubling, of course, in twelve 
years. One of these States, Illinois, full of refuse 
land, increasing at the rate of eighteen and a half 
per cent. ! Would this astonishing growth take place 
if the lands were too high, or all the good land sold? 
The other fact is, the vast increase in the annual sales: 
in 1830, rising of three millions. Since the repdrt of 
the Committee of Manufactures, the returns have 
come in of the sales of last year, which had been 
('Stimated at three millions. They were, in fact, 
$3,566,127 94! Their progressive increase baffles all 
calculation. Would this happen if the price were too 
high ? 

It is argued that the value of different townships 
and sections is various, and that it is therefore wrong 
to tix the same price for all. The variety in the qua- 
lity, situation, and advantages of dift'erent tracts, is 
no doubt great. After the adoption of any system 
of classiiication, there would still remain very great 
diversity in the tracts belonging to the same class. 
This is the law of nature. The presumption of infe- 
riority, and of refuse land, founded upon the length 
33 Z 



886 SPEECHES of iiexXRY clay. 

of time that the land has been in market, is clenied, 
for reasons already stated. The ofter, at public auc- 
tion, of all lands to the highest bidder, previous to 
their being sold at private sale, provides in some de- 
gree for the variety in the value, since each purchaser 
pushes the land up to the price which, according to 
liis opinion, it ought to command. But if the price 
demanded by Government is not too high for the 
good land (and no one can believe it), why not wait 
until that is sold before any reduction in the price of 
the bad ? And that will not be sold for many years 
to come. It would be quite as wrong to bring the 
price of good land down to the standard of the bad, 
as it is alleged to be to carry the latter up to that of 
the former. Until the good land is sold there will be 
no purchasers of the bad ; for, as has been stated in 
the report of the Committee of ^lanufactures, a dis- 
creet farmer would rather give a dollar and a quarter 
per acre for first-rate land than accept refuse and 
worthless land as a present. 

*'4. Because the speedy extinction of the Federal 
title within their liniits is ne<^essary to the independ- 
ence of the new States, to their equality with the elder 
States; to tlie development of their resources; to the 
subjection of their soil to taxation^ cultivation^ and set- 
tlement, and to the jorojoer enjoyment of their jurisdic- 
tion and sovereignty." 

All this is mere assertion and declamation. The 
General Government, at a moderate price, is selling 
the public land as fast as it can find purchasers. The 
new States are populating with unexampled ra})idity; 
their condition is now much more eligible than that 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 337 

of some of the old States. Ohio, I am sorrv to be 
obliged to confess, is, in internal improvement atid 
some other respects, fift}^ years in advance of her 
elder sister and neighbor, Kentucky. How have her 
growth and prosperity, her independence, her equality 
with the elder States, the development of her resour- 
ces, the taxation, cultivation, and settlement of her 
soil, or the proper enjoyment of her jurisdiction and 
sovereignity, been aiiected or impaired by the Federal 
title within her limits? The Federal title? It has 
been a source of blessings and of bounties, but not 
one of real grievance. As to the exem[)tion from 
taxation of the public lands, and the exemption for 
^\ii years of those sold to individuals, if the public 
land belonged to the new States, would they tax it? 
And as to the latter exemption, it is paid for by the 
General Government, as may be seen by reference to 
the compacts; and it is, moreover, beneficial to the 
new States themselves, by holding out a motive to 
emigrants to purchase and settle within their limits. 

''6. Because the ramified machinerv of the land 
office department, and the ownership of so much soil, 
extends the patronage and authority of the General 
Government into the Iwart and corners of the new 
States, and subjects their policy to the danger of a 
foreign Siud powerful influence." 

A foreign and powerful influence! The Federal 
Government a foreign government! And tlie exer- 
cise of a legitimate control over the national property, 
for the benefit of the whole people of the United 
States, a deprecated penetration into the heart and 
corners of the new States ! As to the calamity of the 



388 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAT. 

land offices which are held witliin them, T helieve that 
is not regarded by the people of those States with 
quite as much liorror as it is by the land connnittee. 
They justly consider that they ought to hold those 
offices themselves, and that no persons ought to be 
sent from the other foreign States of tliis Union to 
fill them. And if the number of the offices were in- 
creased, it would not be looked upon by them as a 
grievous addition to the calamity. 

But what do the land committee mean by the au- 
thority of this foreign, Federal Government? Surely 
they do not desire to get rid of the Federal Govern- 
ment. And yet the final settlement of the land ques- 
tion will have effected but little in expelling its au- 
thority from the bosoms of the new States. Its action 
will still remain in a thousand forms, and the lieart 
and corners of the new States will still be invaded by 
post-offices and postmasters, and post-roads, and tlie 
Cumberland road, and various other modifications of 
its power. 

"Because the sum of $425,000,000 proposed to be 
drawn from the new States and Territories, by the 
sale of their soil, at $1 25 per acre, is unconscionable 
and im[)racticable — such as never can be paid — and 
the bare attempt to raise which, must drain, exhaust, 
and impoverish these States, and give birth to the 
feelings which a sense of injustice and oppression 
never fail to excite, and the excitement of which 
should be so carefully avoided in a confederacy of 
free States." 

In another part of their report, the committee say, 
speaking of the immense revenue alleged to be de- 



ON THE P U B L I C LANDS. 389 

rivable from the public lands : " This ideal revenue is 
estimated at $425,000,000 for the lands now within 
the limits of the States and Territories, and at 
$1,362,589,691 for the whole Federal domain. Such 
chimerical calculations preclude the propriety of ar- 
gumejitative answers." Well, if these calculations 
are all chimerical, there is no danger, from the pre- 
servation of the existing land system, of draining, 
exhausting, and impoverishing the new States, and 
of exciting them to rebellion. 

Tlie Manufacturing Committee did not state what 
the public lands would, in fact, produce. They could 
not state it. It is hardly a subject of approximate 
estimate. The committee stated what would be the 
proceeds, estimated by the minimum price of the 
public lands; what, at one-half of that price; and 
added that, although there might be much land that 
would never sell at one dollar and a quarter per acre, 
"as fresh lands are brought into market and exposed 
to sale at auction, many of them sell at prices exceed- 
ing one dollar and a quarter per acre." They con- 
cluded by remarking that the least favorable view of 
regarding them was to consider them a capital yield- 
ing an annuity of three millions of dollars at this 
time; that in a few years that annuity would pro- 
bably be doubled, and that the capital might then be 
assumed as equal to one hundred millions of dollars. 

AVhatever may be the sum drawn from the sales of 
the [)ublic lands, it will be contributed, not by citi- 
zens of the States alone in which they are situated, 
but by emigrants from all the States. And it will be 
raised, not in a single year, but in a long series of 
33* 



890 SPEECHES OF 11 K N R T CLAY. 

years. It would have been impossible for the State 
of Ohio to have paid, in one year, the millions that 
have been raised in that State by the sale of public 
lands ; but in a period of upward of thirty years the 
payment has been made, not only without impoverish- 
ing^ but with constantly increasing prosperity to the 
State. 

Such, Mr. President, are the reasons of the land 
committee for the reduction of the price of the public 
lands. Some of them had been anticipated and re- 
futed in the report of the Manufacturing Committee; 
and I hope that I have now shown the insolidity of 
the residue. 

I will not dwell upon the consideration urged in 
that report against any large reduction, founded wpnn 
its inevitable tendency to lessen the value of the 
landed property throughout the Union, and that in 
the Western States especially. Thar such would be the 
necessary consequence, no man can doubt who will 
seriously reflect upon such a measure as that of throw- 
ing into market, immediately, upward of one hundred 
and thirty .millions of acres, and at no distant period 
upward of two hundred millions more, at greatly-re- 
duced rates. 

If the honorable Chairman of the Land Committee 
(Mr. King) had relied upon his own sound practical 
sense, he would have presented a report tar less ob- 
jectionable than that which he has made. He has 
availed himself of another's aid, and the hand of the 
Senator from Missouri (Mr. Benton) is as visible in 
the composition as if his name had been subscribed 
to the instrument. We hear, again, in this paper, of 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 391 

that which we have so often heard repeated before in 
debate by the Senator from Missouri — the senti- 
ments of Edmund Burke. And what was the state 
of things in England to which these sentiments were 
apjdied? ' 

Enghind has too little land and too many people. 
America has too much land, for the present popula- 
tion of the country, and wants people. The British 
Crown had owned, for many generations, large bodies 
of land, preserved for game and forest, from which 
but small revenues were derived. It was pro- 
posed to sell out the Crown lands, that they might 
be peopled and cultivated, and that the royal family 
should be placed on the civil list. Mr. Burke sup- 
ported the proposition by convincing arguments. 
But what analogy is there between the Crown lands 
of the British sovereign and the public lands of the 
United States? Are they here locked up from the 
people, and, for the sake of their game or timber, ex- 
cluded from sale? Are not they freely exposed in 
market, to all who want them, at moderate prices ? 
The complaint is that they are not sold fast enough 
— in other words, that people are not multiplied 
rapidly enough to buy them. Patience, gentlemen 
of the Land Conmiittee, patience ! The new States 
are daily rising in power and importance. Some of 
them are already great and flourishing members of 
the Confederacy. And, if you will only acquiesco 
in the certain and quiet operation of the laws of 
God and man, the wilderness will quickly teem with 
people, and be tilled with the monuments of civiliza- 
tion. 



ii92 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

The report of the Land Committee proceeds to no- 
tice, and to animadvert npon, certain opinions of a 
late Secretary of the Treasury, contained in his an- 
nual report, and endeavors to connect tliem with 
some sentiments expressed in the report of the Com- 
mittee of Manufactures. That report has bef/re been 
the subject of repeated commentary in the Senate, by 
the Senator from Missouri, and of much misrepresen- 
tation and vituperation in the public press. Mr. 
Rush showed me the rough draught of that report, 
and I advised him to expunge the paragrai>hs in 
question, because I foresaw that they would be mis- 
represented, and that he woukl be exposed to unjust 
accusations. But, knowing the purity of iiis inten- 
tions, believino; in the soundness of the views which 
he presented, and confiding in tlie candor of a just 
public, he resolved to retain the paragra[)hs. I can- 
not sup[)ose the Senator from Missouri ignorant of 
what passed between Mr. Rush and me, and of his 
having, against my suggestions, retained the para- 
graphs in question, because these facts were all 
stated bv Mr. Rush himself, in a letter adch-essed to 
a late member of the House of Representatives, re 
presenting the district in which I reside, which letter, 
more than a year ago, was published in the Western 
papers. 

I shall say nothing in defence of myself — nothing 
to disprove the charge of my cherishing unfriendly 
feelings and sentiments toward any part of the West. 
If the public acts in which I have participated, if the 
unifonu tenor of my whole life, will not refute such 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 393 

s*n imputation, nothing that I could here say would 
refute it. 

But I tvill say somethins: in defence of the opinions 
of my late patriotic and enlightened colleague, n<'t 
here to speak for himself; and I will vindicate his 
official ojiinions from the erro!ieous glosses and inter- 
pretations wliich have been put upon them. 

Mr. Rush, in an official report which will long re- 
main a monument of his ability, was surveying, with 
a statesman's eye, the condition of America. He was 
arguing in favor of the Protective Policy — the Ame- 
j rican System. He spoke of the limited vocatioiis of 
our society, and the expediency of multiplying the 
means of increasing subsistence, comfort, and wealth. 
He noticed the great and the constant tendency of 
our fellow-citizens to the cultivation of the soil, the 
want of a market for their surplus produce, tlie inex- 
pediency of all blindly rushing to the same universal 
em[)lo3'ment, and the policy of dividing ourselves into 
vari )us pursuits. He says : 

"The manner in which the remote lands of the 
United States are selling and settling, while it possi- 
bly may tend to increase more quickly the aggregate 
p(^pulation of the country, and the mere means of 
subsistence, does not increase capital in the same pro- 
portion. . . . Anything that may serve to hold 
back this tendency to diffusion from running too far 
and too long into an extreme, can scarcely prove other- 
wise than salutary. ... If the population of 
these (a majority of the States, including some West- 
ern States), not yet redundant in fact, though appear- 
ing to be so, under this legislative incitement to emi- 



394 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

grate, remain fixed in more instances, as it probably 
would be by extending the motives to nianufacturing 
labor, it is believed that the nation would gain in 
two ways: first, by the more ra[)id accumulation of 
capital ; and next, by the gradual reduction of the 
excess of its agricultural population over that engaged 
in other vocations. It is not imagined that it evei 
would be practicable, even if it were desirable, to turn 
this stream of emigration aside ; but resources, opened 
throuofh the influence of the laws, in new fields of in- 
dustry, to the inhabitants of the States already sutfi- 
cienth' peopled to enter upon them, might operate to 
lessen in some degree, and usefully lessen, its absorb- 
in i^: force." 

Now, Mr. President, what is there in this view ad- 
verse to the West, or unfavorable to its interests? 
Mr. Rush is arguing on the tendency of the people to 
enijacre in aijriculture, and the incitement to emigra- 
tion produced by our laws. Does he propose to 
chai.ige those laws in that particular? Does he pro- 
pose any new measure? So far from suggesting any 
alteration of the conditions on which the public lands 
are sold, he expressly says that it is not desirable, if 
it were practicable, to turn this stream of emigration 
aside. Leavini:: all the laws in full force, and all the 
motives to emigration, arising from fertile and clieap 
hinds, untouched, he recommends the encouragement 
of a new branch of business, in which all the Union, 
the West as well as the rest, is interested ; thus pre- 
senting an option to population to engage in manu- 
factures or in aLH'iculture, at its own discretion. And 
does such an option afford just ground of complaint 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 895 

to anv one? Is it not an advantasje to all? Do the 
Land Committee desire (I am sure thej do not) to 
create starvation in one part of the Union, tliat emi- 
grants ma}' be forced into another? If they do not, 
they ought not to Cv)ndemn a multiplication of hu- 
man employments, by which, as its certain cons<}- 
quence, there will be an increase in the means of sub- 
sistence and coTvifort. The objection to Mr. Rush, 
then, is, that he looked at his wJiole country, and at 
all parts of it; and that, while he desired the prospe- 
rity and growth of the West to advance undisturbed, 
he wished to build up, on deep foundations, the wel- 
fare of all the people. 

Mr. Rush knew that there were thousands of the 
poorer classes who never would emigrate; and that 
emigration, under the best auspices, was far from 
being unattended with evil. There are moral, phy- 
sical, pecuniary obstacles to all emigration ; and these 
will increase as the good vacant lands of tlie West 
are removed, by intervening settlements, further and 
further from society, as it is now located. It is, I 
believe, Dr. Johnson, who pronounces that of all 
vegetable and animal creation, man is the most diffi- 
cult to be uprooted and transferred to a distant coun- 
try ; and he was right. Space itself, mountains, and 
seas, and rivers, are impediments. The want of pecu- 
niary means — the expenses of the outfit, subsistence, 
and transportation of a family — is no slight circum- 
stance. When all these difficulties are overcome 
(aiid how few, comparatively, can surmount them !) 
the greatest of all remains — that of being torn from 
one's natal spot, separated forever from the roof undei 



896 P P E K C II F S OF IT E X Pv Y CLAY. 

wliioh the companions of liis cliildhood were sliel- 
teiTcl, from the trees wliicli have shaded him from 
snmmer's heats, tlie spring: from whose ernsliing foun- 
tain lie drank in his vonth, t]ie tonihs that hold the 
}irecious relic of his venerated ancestors! 

But I have said that tlie Land Committee had at- 
tempted to confound the sentiments of Mr. Rush 
with some of the reasoninfj employed hv the Com- 
mittee of Manufactures against the proposed reduc- 
tion of the price of the puhlic lands. What is that 
reasoning? Here it is; it will speak for itself, and, 
withcnit a single comment, will demonstrate liow dif- 
ferent it is from that of the late Secretary of the 
Treasury, unexceptionable as that has been shown 
to he. 

*' The greatest emigration," says the Manufacturing 
Committee, "that is believed now to take place from 
any of the IStates, is from Ohio, Kentucky, and Ten- 
nessee. The effects of a material reduction in the 
price of the public lands would be — 1st, to lessen the 
value of real estate in those three States; 2d, to 
diminish their interest in the public domain as a 
comn.on fund for the benefit of all the States; and, 
3d, to offer wluit would operate as a bounty to further 
emiirration from those States, occasioninor more and 
nn)re lands, situated within them, to be thrown into 
the market, thereby not only lessening the value of 
tlieir lands, but draining them of both their popula- 
tion and labor." 

Tliere are good men in different parts, but especially 
in the Atlantic jiortion of the Union, who have been 
induced to regard lightly this vast national property ; 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 897 

who have been persuaded that tlie people of the West 
are dit^satislied with tlie administration of it; and 
w^ho bi lieve that it will, in tlie end, be lost to the 
nation, and that it is not worth present care and ])ve- 
sorvation. But these are radical mistakes. The u'lvat 
body of the West are satisiied, perfectly satisfied, 
with the general administration of the puhlic lands. 
They would indeed like, and are entitled to, a more 
liberal expenditure among them of the proceeds of 
the sales. For this, provision is made bv the bill to 
which I will hereafter call the attention of the Senate. 
But the great body of the West have not called for, 
and understand too well tlieir real interest to desire, 
any essential change in the system of survey, sale, or 
price of the lands. There may be a few, stimulate (i 
by demagogues, who desire change ; and what system 
is there, what government, what order of human so- 
cietv, that a few do not desire to chancre ? 

It is one of the admirable properties of the existing 
svstem, that it contains within itself and carries alonir 
principles of conservation and safety. In the pro- 
gress of its operation, new States become identified 
with the old, in feeling, in thinking, and in interest. 
Kow, Ohio is as sound as any old State in the Union 
in all her views I'elating to the puhlic lands. She 
feels that her share in the exterior domain is mucli 
more important than would be an exclusive right to 
the tew niillions of acres left unsold within the limits, 
accompanied by a virtual surrender of her interest in 
all the other public lands of the United States. And 
I have no doubt that now the people of the other new 
States, left to their own unbiased sense of equity and 
84 



398 SPEECHES of henry clay. 

justice, would form the same judgment. They can 
not believe that what the}^ have not bought, ^^hat re- 
mains the property of themselves and all their breth- 
ren of the United States in common, belongs to them 
exclusive! V. But if I am mistaken — if thev have 
been deceived by erroneous impressions on their mind, 
made by artful men — as the sales proceed, and the 
land is exhausted, and their population increased, like 
the State of Ohio, they will feel that their true inte- 
rest points to their remaining copartners in the whole 
national domain, instead of bringing forward an un- 
founded |)retension to the inconsiderable remnant 
wliich will then be left within their own limits. 

And now, ^Ir. President, I have to say something 
m respect to the particular plan brought forward b/ 
the Committee of IManufactures for a temporary ap- 
pn)priation of the proceeds of the sales of the public 

lands. 

The Committee say that this fund is not wanted by 
the General Government; that the peace of the coun 
try is not likely, from present ap[)earances, to be 
speedily disturbed ; and that the General Government 
is absolutely embarrassed in providing against an 
enormous surplus in the treasury. While this is tlie 
condition of the Federal Government, the States are 
in want of, and can most bencticially use, that very 
surplus with which we do not know what to do. The 
powers of the General Government are limited; those 
of the States are ample. If those linuted powers au- 
thorized an Jipplication of the fund to some objects, 
perhaps there are some others, of more importance, 
to which the powers of the States would be more 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 30J) 

competent, or to uliicli they may apply a laore provi- 
dent care. 

But tlic government of the whole and of the parts 
at hist is but one government of the same people. 
In form they are two, in substance one. They both 
stand under the same solemn obligation to promote, 
by all the powers with which they are respectively 
intrusted, the happiness of the people; and the peo- 
ple, in their turn, owe respect and allegiance to both. 
Maintaining these relations, there should be mutual 
assista>]ce to each other afforded by the se two sys- 
tems. When the States are full -handed, and the cof- 
fers of the General Government are empty, the States 
should come to the relief of the General Government, 
as many of them did, most promptly and patriotically, 
durinof the late war. When the conditions of the 
parties are reversed, as is now the case — the States 
wanting what is almost a burden to the General 
Government — the duty of this Government is to go 
to the relief of the States. 

They were views like these which induced a majo- 
rity of the Committee to propose the plan of distribu- 
tion contained in the bill now under consideration. 
For one, however, I will again repeat the declara- 
tion, which I made early in the session, that I unite 
cordially with those who condemn the application of 
any principle of distribution among the several States, 
to surplus revenue derived from taxation. I think 
income derived from taxation stands upon ground 
totally distinct from that which is received from the 
public lands. Congress can prevent the accumula- 
tion, at least for any considerable time, of revenue 



400 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

from rlnties, V)y suitable legislation, lowering or ang- 
menting the imposts; hnt it cannt)t sto[) the sales of 
tlie public lands without the exercise of arbitrary and 
intolerable power. The powers of Congrrss over tbe 
public latids are broader and more comprehensive 
than those wliich they possess over taxation and the 
money produced by it. 

This brings me to consider — first, the power of 
CoiiiTi'^ss to make the distribution. Bv the second 
part of the third section of the fourth article of the 
Constituiion, Congress " have powQv U> dispose of nud 
make all needful rules and reirulations respectinir the 
territory or other propert}* of the United States." 
The power of disposition is plenary, unrestrained, un- 
qualified. It is not limited to a specified object or to 
a defined purpose, but left ap[)licable to any ohject or 
purpose which the wisdom of Congress shall deem lit, 
acting under its high responsibility. 

The Government purchased Louisiana and Florida. 
May it not api)ly the proceeds of lands within those 
countries to an\* object which the good of the Union 
may seem to indicate. If there be a restraint in the 
Constitution, where is it — what is it? 

The uniform practice of the Government has con- 
formed to the idea of its possessing full powers over 
the public lands. They have been freely granted, 
from time to time, to communities and individuals, 
for a great variety of purposes: to States for educa- 
tion, internal improvements, [)ublic buildings; to cor- 
porations for education; to the deaf and chnnb; to 
the cultivators of the olive and the vine ; to pre-emp- 
tiuuers; to Geuerui Lafayette, kc. 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 401 

The deeds from the ceding States, far from oppo- 
sing, fully warrant the distribution. That of Vir- 
ginia ceded the land as *'ti common fund for the use 
and benefit of such of the United States as have be- 
come, or shall become, members of the Confedera- 
tion or Federal alliance of the said States, Yir<:inia 
inclusive." The cession was for the benefit of all the 
States. It may be argued that the fund must be re- 
tained in the common treasury, and thence paid out. 
But, by the bill reported, it will come into the com- 
mon treasury, and then the question how it shall be 
subsequently applied for the use and benefit of such 
of the United States as compose the Confederacy, is 
one of modus only. Whether the money is disbursed 
by the General Government directly, or is paid out 
upon some equal and just princi[)le to the States, to 
be disbursed by them, cannot afi:ect the right of dis- 
tribution. If the General Government retained the 
power of ultimate disbursement, it could execute it 
only by suitable agents; and what agency is more 
suitable than that of the States themselves? If the 
States expend the money, as the bill contemplates, 
the expenditure will, in efitect, be a disbursement for 
the benefit of the whole, althoutrh the several States 
are organs of the expenditure; for the whole and all 
the parts are identical. And whatever redounds to 
the benefit of all the parts, necessarily contributes in 
the same measure to the benefit of the whole. The 
great question should be, "Is the distribution upon 
equal and just principles?" And this brings me to 
consider: 

Second. The terms of the distribution proposed by 
34* 2 a 



402 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

the bill of the Committee of Manufiictures. The hill 
proposes a division of the net proceeds of the sales 
of the public lands among the several States com- 
posing the Union, according to their Federal repre- 
sentative population, as ascertained by the last cen- 
sus ; and it provides for new States that may hereafter 
be admitted into the Union. The basis of the distri- 
bution, therefore, is derived from the Constitution 
itself, which has adopted the same rule in respect to 
representation and direct taxes. Kone could be more 
just and equitable. 

But it has been contended, in the land report, that 
the Revolutionary States which did not cede their 
public lands ought not to be allowed to come into 
the distribution. This objection does not apply to 
the purchases of Louisiana and Florida, because the 
consideration for them was paid out of the common 
treasury, and was consequently contributed by all the 
States. Nor has the objection an}' just foundation 
when applied to the public lands derived from Vir- 
ginia and the other ceding States; because, by the 
terms of the deeds, the cessions were made for the 
use and benefit of all the States. The ceding States 
having made no exception of any State, what right 
has the General Government to interpolate in the 
deeds, and now create an exception ? The General 
Government is a mere trustee, holding the domain 
in virtue of those deeds, according to the terms and 
conditions which they expressly describe; and it is 
bound to execute the trust accordingly. But how 
is the fund produced by the public lands now ex- 
pended? It comes into the common treasur}-, and is 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS. 40 



o 



disbursed for the common benefit, without exception 
of any State. The bill only proposes to substitute 
to that object, now no longer necessary, another and 
more useful common object. The general applica- 
tion of the fund will continue, under the operation 
of the bill, although the particular purposes may be 
varied. 

The equity of the proposed distribution, as it re- 
spects the two classes of States, the old and the new, 
must be manifest to the Senate. It proposes to assign 
to the new States, besides the five per cent, stipulated 
for in their several compacts with the General Gov- 
ernment, the further sum of ten per cent, upon the 
net proceeds. Assuming the proceeds of the last 
year, amounting to $3,566,127 94, as the basis of the 
calculation, I hold in my hand a paper which shows 
the sum that each of the seven new States would re- 
ceive. They have complained of the exemption from 
taxation of the public lands sold by the General Gov- 
ernment for five years after the sale. If that exemp- 
tion did not exist, and they were to exercise the power 
of taxing those lands, as the average increase of their 
population is only eight and a half per cent, per 
annum, the additional revenue which they would 
save would he only eight and a half per cent, per 
annum ; that is to say, a State now collecting a reve- 
nue of $100,000 per annum, would collect only $108,- 
500 if it were to tax the lands recently sold. But, by 
the bill under consideration, each of the seven new 
States will annually receive, as its distributive share, 
more than the whole amount of its annual revenue. 



404 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

It ma}' be thought that to set apart ten per cent, to 
the new States, in the first instance, is too great a 
proportion, and is unjust toward the oUl States. But 
it will be recollected that, as the_y p()})ulate much 
faster than the old States, and as the last census is to 
govern in the apportionment, they ought to receive 
more than the old States. If they receive too much 
at the commencement of the term, it may be neutral- 
ized by the end of it. 

After the deduction shall have been made of the 
fifteen percent, allotted to tbe new States, the residue 
is to be divided among the twenty-four States, old 
and new, composing the Union. What each of the 
States would receive, is shown by a table annexed to 
the report. Taking the proceeds of the last year as 
the standard, there must be added one-sixth to what 
is set down in that table as the proportion of the 

several States. 

If the power and the principle of the proposed dis- 
tribution be satisfactory to the Senate, I think the 
objects cannot fail to be equally so. They are Edu- 
cation, Internal Improvements, and Colonization — all 
great and beneficent objects — all nati(^iuil in their 
nature. ISTo mind can be cultivated and improved, 
no work of internal improvement can be executed in 
any part of the Union, nor any person of color trans- 
ported from any of its ports, in which the whole 
Union is not interested. The prosperity of the whole 
is an aggregate of the prosperity of the parts. 

The States, each judging for itself, will select, 
among the objects enumerated in the bill, that which 



ON THE PUBLIC LANDS, 405 

comports best witli its own polic3\ There is no com- 
pulsion in the choice. Some will prefer, perhaps, to 
apply the fund to the extinction of debt, now burden- 
some, created for Internal Improvement; some to 
new objects of Internal Improvement; others to Edu- 
cation ; and others, again, to Colonization. It may 
be supi)Osed possible that the States will divert the 
fund from tiie specified purposes; but against such a 
misapplication we have, in the first place, the security 
which arises out of their presumed good faith ; and, 
in the second, tbe power to withhold subsequent, if 
there has been any abuse in previous appropriations. 
It has been aro^ued that the General Government 
has no power in respect to Colonization. Waiving 
that, as not being a question at this time, the real 
inquiry is, *'Have the States themselves any such 
■power?" — for it is to the States that the subject is 
referred. The evil of a free black population is not 
restricted to particular States, but extends to and is 
felt by all. It is not, therefore, the slave question, 
but totally distinct from and unconnected with it. I 
have heretofore often expressed my perfect conviction 
that the General Government has no constitutional 
power which it can exercise in regard to African sla- 
very. That conviction remains unchanged. The 
States in which slavery is tolerated have exclusively 
in their own hands the entire regulation of the sub- 
ject. But the slave States differ in opinion as to the 
expediency of African colonization. Several of them 
liave signified their approbation of it. The Legisla- 
ture of Kentucky, I believe unanimously, recom- 



406 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

mended the encouragement of Colonization to Con- 
gress. 

Should a war break out during the term of five 
years that the operation of the bill is limited to, the 
fund is to be withdrawn and applied to the vigorous 
prosecutioii of the war. If there be no war, Congiess, 
at the end of the term, will be able to ascertain whe- 
ther the money has been beneficially expended, and 
to judge of the propriety of continuing the distribu- 
tion. 

Three reports have been made, on this great sub- 
ject of the public lands, during tbe present session 
of Congress, besides that of the Secretary' of the 
Treasury at its conmiencement — two in the Senate 
and one in the House. All three of them agree — 1st, 
in the preservation of the control of the General Gov- 
ernment over the public lands; and, 2d, they concur 
in rejecting the plan of a cession of the public lands 
to the States in which they are situated, recommended 
by the Secretary. The land committee of the Senate 
propose an assignment of fifteen per cent, of the net 
proceeds, besides the five per cent, stipulated in the 
compacts (making together twenty per cent), to the 
new States, and nothing to the old. 

The Committee of Manufactures of the Senate, 
after an allotment of an additional sum often per 
cent, to the new States, propose an equal distrihution 
of the residue among all the States, old and new, 
upon equitable principles. 

Tbe Senate's land committee, besides the proposal 
of a distribution, restricted to the new States, recom- 



i\ THE PUBLIC LANDS. 407 

mends an immediate reduction of the price of "fresh 
lands" to a minimum of one dollar per acre, and to 
fifty cents per acre for lands which have been five 
years or upward in market. 

The land committee of the House is opposed to c^W 
distribution, general or partial, and recommends a 
reduction of the price to one dollar per acre. 

And now, Mr. President, I have a few more words 
to say, and shall be done. We are admonished by- 
all our reflections, and by existing signs, of the duty 
of communicatino; strength and energy to the glo- 
rious Union which now encircles our favored coun- 
try. Among the ties which bind us together, tho 
public domain merits high consideration. And if we 
distribute, for a limited time, the proceeds of that 
gr, at resource among the several States, for the ini- 
po tint objects w^hich have been enumerated, a new 
and powerful bond of affection and of interest will 
be added. The States will feel and recoo:nize the 
operation of the General Government, not merely in 
power aud burdens, but in benefactions and bless- 
ings. And the General Government in its turn will 
feel, from the expenditure of the money which it dis- 
penses to the States, the" benefits of moral and intel- 
lectual improvement of the people, of greater facility 
in social and c(;mmercial intercourse, and of the puri- 
fication of the po[»u!ation of our country, themselvea 
tiie be-t parental sources of national character, na- 
tional union, and national greatness. Whatever may 
bo the fate of the particuhir proposition now under 
consideration, I sincerely hope that the attention of 



408 SPEECHES OF n i: N R Y c l a y. 

the nation may be attracted to tliis most interesting 
subject; that it may justly appreciate the value of 
this immense national property; and that, preservin<^ 
the regulation of it by the will of the whole, for the 
advantage of the whole, it may be transmitted, as a 
sacred and inestimable succession, to posterity, lor 
its beneUt and blessing for ages to come. 



ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 409 



lY. 

ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 

Delivered in the House oj RepresentativeSy Jan. 20, 1827. 
BEFORE THE AMEFJCAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 

I CANNOT withhold the expression of my cons^ratu- 
lations to the Society on account of the very valuable 
ftcquiriition which we have obtained in the eloquent 
gentleman from Boston (Mr. Knapp), who Ijas just 
favored us with an address. He has told us of liis 
orii):inal impressions, unfavorable to the object of the 
Society, and of his subsequent conversion. If the 
same industry, investigation, and unbiased judgment, 
which he and another gentleman (Mr. Powell), who 
avowed at the last meeting of the Society a similar 
change wrouglit in his mind, were carried by the 
public at large into the consideration of the plan of 
the Society, the conviction of its utility would be 
universal. 

I have risen to submit a resolution, in behalf of 
which I would bespeak the favor of the Society. But 
before I offer any observations in its support, I must 
say that, whatever part I may take in the proceedings 
of this Society, whatever opinions or sentiments I 
may utter, they are exclusively my own. Whether 
they are worth anytliing or not, no one but myself ia 
at all responsible for them. I have consulted with 
no person out of this Society ; and I have especially 

is 



■110 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

abstained from all communication or consultation 
with any one to whom I stand in anv official relation. 
My judgment on the object of this Society has been 
loiiiT since deliberalelv formed. The conclusions to 
which, after much and anxious consideration, my 
mind has been broup^ht, have been neither produced 
nor refuted by the official station, the duties of which 
have been confided to me. 

From the origin of this Society, every member of 
it has, I believe, looked forward to the arrival of a 
period when it would be necessary to invoke the 
public aid in the execution of the great scheme which 
it was instituted to promote. Considering itself as 
the mere pioneer in the cause which it had under- 
taken, it was well aware that it could do no more 
than remove preliminary difficulties, and point out a 
sure road to ultimate success; and that the public 
only could sui)ply that regular, steady, and efficient 
support, to which the gratuitous means of benevolent 
individuals would be found incompetent. My sur- 
prise has been that the Society has been able so long 
to sustain itself, and to do so much upon the chari- 
table contributions of good, and pious, and enlight- 
ened men, whom it has happily found in all parts of 
our country. But our work has so i)rospered and 
grown under our hands, that the appeal to the power 
and resources of the public should be no longer de- 
ferred. The resolution which I have risen to propose 
contemplates this appeal. It is in the fullowing 
words : 

''Resolved, That the board of managers be era- 
powered and directed, at such time or times as may 



ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 411 

seem to them expedient, to make respectful applica- 
tion to the Congress of tlie United States, and to the 
Legit^hitures of tlie difierent States, for such pecu- 
niary aid, in furtherance of the ohject of this Society, 
as they may respectively he pleased to grant." 

In soliciting the countenance and support of the 
Legislatures of the Union and the States, it is incum- 
bent on the Society, in making out its case, to show: 
first, that it offers to their consideration a scheme 
which is practicahle ; and, second, that the execution 
of a practicable scheme, partial or entire, will be 
fraught with such beneficial consequences as to merit 
the su};)port which is solicited. I believe both points 
to be maintainable. First: it is now little ni»vvurd 
of ten years since a religious, amiable, and benevo- 
lent resident of this city first conceived the idea of 
planting a colony, from the United States, of free 
people of color, on the western shores of Africa. He 
is no more ; and the noblest eulogy which could be 
pronounced on him would be to inscribe on his tomb 
the merited epitaph: "Here lies the projector of the 
American Colonization Society." Among others to 
whom he communicated the project, was the person 
who now has the honor of addressinsr vou. Mv first 
impressions, like those of all who have not fully in- 
vestigated the subject, were against it. They yielded 
to his earnest persuasions and my own reflections, 
and I finally agreed with him that the experiment 
was worthv of a fair trial. A meeting of its friends 
was called, organized as a deliberative body, and a 
Constitution was formed. The Society went into ope- 
ration. He lived to see the most encouraging pro- 



412 S P K K C H E S OF H E ^' K Y CLAY. 

o-ress in its exertions, and died in full C(^niidence of 
its c'()mi)lete success. The Society was scarcely formed 
"before it was exposed to tlie derision of the unthink- 
ing; pronounced to be visionary and chimerical by 
those who were capable of adopting wiser opinions; 
and the most confident predictions of its entire fail- 
ure were put forth. It found itself equally assailed 
})y the two extremes of public sentiment in regard 
to our African population. According to one (that 
rash class which, without a due estimate of the fatal 
consequence, would forthwith issue a decree of gene- 
ral, immediate, and indiscriminate emancipation), it 
was a scheme of the slaveholder to perpetuate slavery. 
Tlie other (that class which believes slavery a bless- 
ing, and which trembles with aspen sensibility at the 
appearance of the most distant and ideal danger to 
the tenure by which that description of property is 
held) declared it a contrivance to let loose on society 
all the slaves of the country, ignorant, uneducated, 
and incapid)le of appreciating the value or enjoying 
the privileges of freedom. The {Society saw itself 
suri-ounded by every sort of embarrassment. What 
great human enterprise was ever undertaken without 
diificultv? What ever failed, within the compuss of 
human })ower, when pursued wiih perseverance and 
blessed by the smiles of Providence? The Society 
prosecuted undismayed its great work, appealing for 
succor to the moderate, the reasonable, the virtuous, 
and religious portions of the public. It protested 
from the commencement, and throughout all its pro- 
gress, and it now protests, that it entertains no pur- 
pose, on its own authority or by its own means^ to 



ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 418 

a|-ternpt. emancipati(iii, partial or ireiieral ; tliat it 
kp.owstlie General Goverinneiit lias no constitutional 
power to achieve such an object; that it believes that 
the States, and the States only, which tolerate sla- 
very, can acconi[)lish the work of eniancipatioii ; and 
that it ought to be left to them, exclusivelv, abso- 
lutely, and voluntarily, to decide the question. 

The object of the Society was the colonization of 
the free colored people, not the slaves, of the coun- 
try. Voluntary in its institution, voluntary in its 
continuance, voluntary in all its ramifications, all its 
means, purposes, and instruments, are also voluntary. 
But it was said that no free colored persons could be 
prevailed upon to abandon the comforts of civilized 
life, and expose themselves to all the perils of a set- 
tlement in a distant, inhospirable, and savage coun- 
try ; that, if they could be induced to go on such a 
Quixotic expedition, no territory could be procured 
for their establishment as a colony; that tiie jdau 
was altogether incompetent to effect its professed ob- 
ject; and that it ought to be rejected as the idle 
dream of visionary enthusiasts. The Society has out- 
lived, thank God, all these disastrous predictions. It 
has survived to swell the list of false prophets. It is 
no longer a question of speculation whether a colony 
can or cannot be planted, from the United States, of 
free persons of color on tlie shores of Africa. It is a 
matter demonstrated; such a colony, in fact, exists, 
prospers, has made successful war and honorable 
peace, and transacts all the multiplied business of a 
civilized and Christian couiinunity. It now has about 
five hundred souls, disciplined troops, forts, and other 
35* 



414 



SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 



moans of defence, sovereignty over an extensive ter- 
ritory, and exerts a powerful and salutary influence 
over the neighboring clans. 

jS'unibers of tlie free African race among us are 
willing to go to Africa. The Society lias never ex- 
perienced any difficulty on that subject, except that 
its means of comfortable transportation have been in- 
jideqnate to accommodate all who have been anxious 
to mi«n'ate. Why should thev not go? Here they 
are iji the lowest state of social gradation — aliens — 
political — moral — social aliens, strangers, though 
natives. There, they would be in the midst of their 
friends and their kindred, at home, though born in a 
forcio-ii land, and elevated above the natives of the 
conntrv, as much as thev are deo:raded here below the 
other classes of the community. But on this matter, 
I am ha[)py to have it in my power to furnish indis- 
putable evidence from the most authentic source, that 
of larire numbers of free persons of color themselves. 
Numerous meetings have been held in several churches 
in Baltimore, of the free peo[>le of color, in which, 
after being organized as deliherative assemblies, by 
the appointment of a chairman (if not of the same 
comi>lexion) presiding as you, Mr. Vice-President, do, 
and secretaries, they have voted memorials addressed 
to the white people, in which they have argued the 
question with an ability, moderation, and temper, 
surpassing anything 1 can command, and em[>hati- 
cally rccummcndeci the colony of Lihcria to favorahle 
coiisideralion, as the most desii'ahle and practicable 
scheme ever yet presented on this interesting subject. 



ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 415 

I ask permission of the Society to read a portion of 
tljis highly creditable document: 

"The system of government established with tlie 
full consent of the colonists, in tlie autumn of 1824, 
and which tlie managers had the happiness to repre- 
sent in their last report, as having thus far fultilled 
all the purposes of its institution, has continued its 
operations daring the year without the least irregu- 
larity, and with undiminished success. The repub- 
lican [)rinciple is introduced as far as is consistent 
with the \outhful and unformed character of the set- 
tlement, and in the election of their officers the colo- 
nists have evinced such integrity and judgment, as 
aff.»rd promise of early preparation for ail the duties 
of ?elf-government. ' The civil nreroiratives and trov- 
ernment of the colony, and the body of the laws by 
which they are sustained,' says the colonial agent, 
*are the pride of all. I am happy in the persuasion 
I have, that I hold the balance of the laws, in the 
midst of a people, with whom the first perceptible in- 
clination of the sacred scale determines authorita- 
tively their sentiments and their conduct. There are 
individual exceptions, but these remarks extend to 
the bodv of tlie settlers.' 

" The moral and religious character of the colony 
exerts a powerful intluence on its social and civil 
condition. That piety which had guided most of tiie 
carl}' emigrants to Liberia, even before they left this 
country, to respectability and usefulness among their 
associates, prepared them, in laying the foundation 
of a colony, to act with a degree of wisdom and energy 
which no earthly motives could inspire. Humble, 



416 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

and for the most part unlettered men ; born and bred 
in circumstances tlie most unfavorable to mental cul- 
ture ; unsustained by the hope of renown, and unfa- 
miliar with the history of great achievements and 
heroic virtues, tbeirs was. nevcrtbeless, a sjiirit un- 
moved by danii'crs or b\' sufferings, which misfortunes 
could not diirkcn, nor death dismay. They left Ame- 
rica, and felt that it was forever: they landed in 
Africa, possibly to find a home, but certainly a grave. 
Strange would it have been had the religion of every 
individual of these early settlers proved genuine ; but 
immensely chani]:ed as have been tlieir circumstances, 
and severelv tried their faith, most have iireserved 
untarnished the honors of their jirofession, and to the 
purity of their morals, and the consistency of their 
conduct, is, in a great measure, to be attributed 
the social ordei* and general prosperity of the colony 
of Liberia." 

In respect to the alleged incompetency of the 
scheme to accomplish its i)rofessed object, the Society 
asks that the object should be taken to be, imt what 
the imaginations of its enemies represent it to be, 
but what it really proposes. Tliey rej;)resent that tbe 
purpose of the Society is to export the whole African 
population of the United States, bond and free; and 
they pronounce this design to be unattainable. They 
declare that the means of the whole country are in- 
suthcient to eti'ect the transportation to Africa of a 
mass of po[tulati()n afproxinuiting to two millions of 
souli:;. Agreed; but that is not what the Society 
contem[ilates. They have substituted their own no- 
tion fur that of the Society. What is the true nature 



I 



ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 417 

of the evil of tlie exi^^te1lce of a portioii of the African 
race in our population ? It is not that tliere are 
some, but tliat there are so mani/ amonir us of a dif- 
ferent caste, of a different physical, if not moral, 
couf 'ituti(Ui, who never can aniali^aniate with the 
great body of our population. In every country, per- 
sons are to be found varying in their color, origin, 
and character, from the native mass. But this ano- 
maly creates no inquietude or apprehension, because 
the exotics, from the smallness of their number, are 
known to be utterlj' incapable of disturbing the ge- 
neral tranquillity. Here, on the contrary, the African 
part ot our [topulation bears so large a pi'oportion to 
the residue, of European origin, as to create the most 
lively apprehension, especial 1^^ in soine quarters of 
the Union. Any project, therefore, by which, in a 
material degree, the dangerous element in the general 
mass can be diminished or rendered statiunarv, de- 
Serves deliberate cimsideration. 

The Colonization Society has never imagined it to 
be practicable, or within the reach of any means 
which the several Governments of tlie Union could 
bring to bear on the subject, to transport the whole 
of the African race within the limits of the United 
States. Nor is that necessaiy to accom]»lish the de- 
sirable object of domestic tranquillity, and render us 
one homogeneous people. Tlie population of the 
United States has been su[)posed to duplicate in pe- 
riods of twenty-tive years. That may have been the 
case heretofore, but the terms of duplication will be 
more and more protracted as we advance in national 
aire ; and I do not believe that it will be found, in 

2b 



'118 SPEECHES OF Jl K N K Y CLAY. 

any period to come, that our numbers will be dou- 
bled in a less term than one of about thirtv-three and 
a third years. I have not time to enter now into de- 
tails in support of this opinion. They would consist 
of those checks which experience has shown to ob- 
struct the progress of population, arising out of its 
actual aus:mentation and density, the settlement of 
waste lands, etc. Assuming the period of thirty-three 
and a thiid, or any other number of years, to be that 
in which our population will hereafter be doubled, 
if during that whole term the capital of the African 
stock could be kept down, or stationar\', while that 
of European origin should be left to an unobstructed 
increase, the result, at the end of the term, would be 
most propitious. Let us suppose, for example, tliat 
the whole population at present of the United States 
is twelve millions, of which ten may be estimated of 
the Anglo-Saxon, and two of the African race. If 
there could be annually transported from the United 
States an amount of tlie African portion equal to the 
annual increase of the whole of that caste, while the 
European race should be left to multiply, we should 
find, at the termination of the period of du|)Iication, 
whatever it may be, that the relative proportions 
would be as twenty to two. And if the process were 
continued, during a second term of duplication, the 
proportion would be as forty to two — one which 
would eradicate every cause of alarm or solicitude 
from the breasts of the most timid. But the trans- 
portation of Africans, by creating, to the extent to 
which it might be carried, a vacuum in society, would 
tend to accelerate the duplication of the European 



ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 419 

race, who, by all the laws of population, would fill 
up the void space. 

This Society is well aware, I repeat, that they can- 
not touch the subject of slavery. But it is no objec- 
tion to their scheme, limited as it ^is exclusivelv to 
those free peoph- of color who are willino: to mi<>-rate, 
that it admits of indeilnite extension and application, 
by those who alone, having tlie competent authority, 
may choose to adopt and apply it. Our object has 
been to point out the way, to show that colonization 
is practicable, and to leave it to those States or indi- 
viduals who may be pleased to engage in the object, 
to prosecute it. We have demonstrated that a colony 
may be planted in Africa, by the fact that an Ameri- 
can colony there exists. The problem which has so 
long and so deeply interested the thoughts of good 
and patriotic men is solved. A country and a home 
have been found, to which the African race may be 
sent, to the promotion of their happiness and our 
own. 

But, Mr. President, I shall not rest contented with 
the fact of the establishment of the colony, conclu- 
sive as it ought to be deemed, of the practicability 
of our purpose. I shall proceed to show, by refer- 
ence to indisputable statistical details and calcula- 
tions, that it is within the compass of reasonable 
human means. I am sensible of the tediousncss of 
all arithmetical data, but I will endeavor to simplify 
them as much as possible. It will be borne in mind 
that the Society is to establish in Africa a colony of 
the free African population of the United States, to 
au extent which shall be beneficial both to Africa 



420 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

and America. Tlie whole free colored popnlntion 
of the United States amounted, in 1790, to lifty-nine 
thousand four hundred and eio^hty-one; in 1800, to 
one hundred and ten thousand and seventv-two ; in 
1810, to one hundred and eighty-six tliousand four 
hundred and forty-six; and in 1820, to two hundred 
and thirty-three thousand five liundred and thirtv. 
The ratio of annual increase during the first term of 
ten years was about eiglit and a half per cent, per 
annum; during the second about seven per cent, per 
annum : and during tlie third, a little more than 
two and a half. The verv «:reat difl:erence in the 
rate of annual increase, durino- those several terms, 
may probably be accounted for by the effect of the 
number of voluntary emancii)ations operating with 
more influence upon the total smaller amount of 
free colored persons at the first of those periods, and 
by the facts of the insurrection in St. Domingo, and 
the acquisition of Louisiana, both of which, occur- 
ring during the first and second terms, added con- 
siaerably to the number of our free colored popula- 
tion. 

Of all descriptions of our population, that of the 
free colored, taken in the aggregate, is the least pro- 
lific, because of the checks arising from vice and 
want. During the ten years between 1810 and 1820, 
when no extraneous causes existed to prevent a fair 
competition in the increase between the slave and the 
free African race, the former increased at the rate of 
nearly three per cent, per annum, while the latter did 
not much exceed two and a half. Hereafter it may 
be safely assumed, and I venture to predict will not 



ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 4*21 

be contradicted bv tlie return of tbe next census, that 
tbe increase of tlie free black popidation will not sur- 
pass two and a baif per cent, per annum. Their 
amount at the last census being two hundred and 
thirty-three thousand five hundred and thirty, for the 
sake of round numbers, their annual increase may 
be assumed to be six thousand at the present time. 
Kow, if this number could be annually transported 
from ihe United States during a term of years, it is 
evident that, at the end of that term, the parent capi- 
tal will not have increased, but will have been kept 
down, at least to what it was at the commencement 
of the term. Is it practicable, then, to colonize annu- 
ally six thousand persons from the United States, 
without materially impairing or affecting any of the 
great interests of the United States? This is the 
question presented to the judgments of the legislative 
authorities of our country. This is the whole scheme 
of the Society. From its actual experience, derived 
from the expenses which have been incurred in trans- 
porting the persons already sent to Africa, the entire 
average expense of each colonist, young and old, in- 
cluding passage-money and subsistence, may be stated 
at twenty dollars per head. There is reason to believe 
that it may be reduced considerably below that sum. 
Estimating that to be the expense, the total cost of 
transporting six thousand souls annually to Africa 
would be one hundred and twenty thousand dollars. 
The tonnage requisite to effect the ohject, calculating 
two persons to every five tons (which is the provision 
of existing law), would be fifteen thousand tons. But, 
as each vessel could probably make two voyages iu 
36 



422 SPEECHES OF UENKY CLAY. 

tlie year, it may be reduced to seven thousand five 
liuiulred. And as both our mercantile and military 
marine miirht be occasionally employed on this col- 
lateral service, without injury to the main object of 
the vovacre, a further abatement may be safelv made 
in the aggregate amount of the necessary tonnage. 
The naviofation concerned in the commerce between 
the colony and the United States (and it already be- 
gins to supp]}' subjects of an interesting trade), might 
be incidentally employed to the same end. Is the 
annual expenditure of a sum no larger than one hun- 
dred and twenty thousand dollars, and the annual 
em|»loyment of seven thousand five hundred tons of 
shipping, too much for reasonable exertion, consider- 
ing the magnitude of the object in view? Are they 
not, on the contrary, withiu the compass of moderate 
efforts ? 

Here is the whole scheme of the Society' — a project 
which has been pronounced visionary l)y those who 
have never given themselves the troul)le to examine 
it, but to which I believe most unbiased men will 
yield their cordial assent, after they have investi- 
gated it. 

Limited as the project is, by the Society, to a 
colony to be formed by the free and unconstrained 
consent of free persons of color, it is no objection, 
but, on the contrary, a great recommendation of the 
plan, that it admits of being taken up and applied on 
a scale of much more comprehensive utility. The 
Society knows, and it affords just cause of felicitation, 
that all or any one of the States which tolerate slavery 
may carry the scheme of colonization into effect, in 



/ 

ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 4-3 

regard to the slaves within their respective limits, and 
thns ultimately rid tliemselvcs of a universally-ac- 
knowledged curse. A reference to the results of the 
several enumerations of the population of the United 
States, will incontestably prove the practicability of 
its application on the more extensive scale. The 
slave population of the United States amounted, in 
1790, to six hundred and ninety-seven thousand six 
hundred and ninety-seven; in 1800, to eight hundred 
and ninety-six thousand eight hundred and forty- 
nine ; in 1810, to eleven hundred and ninety-one 
thousand three hundred and sixtj^-four; and in 1820, 
to fifteen hundred and thirty-eight thousand one hun- 
dred and twenty-eight. The rate of annual increase 
•(rejecting fractions, and taking the integer to which 
they make the nearest approach), during the first 
term often years, was not quite three per centum per 
annum, durino; the second a little more than three 
per centum per annum, and during the third a little 
less thari three per centum. The mean ratio of in- 
crease for the whole period of thirty years was very 
little more than three per centum per annum. l.)ui- 
iuir the first two periods, tlie native stock was auj^;- 
mented by importations fwnu Africa, in those .^States 
which continued to tolerate them, and by the acqui- 
sition of Louisiana. Virginia, ti) her eternal honor, 
abolished the abominable traftic among the earliest 
acts of her self-government. The last t^rm alone 
presents the natural increase of the capital, unafiected 
by any extraneous causes. That authorizes, as a safe 
assumption, that the future increase will not exceed 
three per centum per annum. As our population 



4"24 SPKECIIES OF IIET7RT CLAY. 

increases, tlio value of slave labor will diniinisli, m 
consequence of the superior advaiitages in tlie em- 
ployment of free labor. And when the value of slave 
labor shall be materiallv lessened, either bv tlie mul- 
tiplication of the supply of slaves beyond the demand, 
or by the competition between slave and free labor, 
the annual increase of slaves will be reduced, in con- 
sequence of the abatement of tJje motives to provide 
for and rear tlje offspring. 

Assuming the future increase to be at the rate of 
three per centum per annum, the annual addition to 
the number of slaves in the United States, calculated 
upon the return of the last census (one million five 
hundred and thirtv-eiii:ht thousand one hundred and 
twenty-eight) is forty-six thousand. Applying the 
data which have been already stated and explained, 
in relation to the colonization of free persons of color 
from the United States to Africa, to the a<2:2:reofate 
annual increase, both bond and free, of the African 
race, and the result will be found most encourao^inff. 
The total number of the annual increase of both de- 
scriptions is iifty-two thousaiid. The total expense 
of transporting that number to Africa, supposing no 
reduction of present prices, would be one million and 
forty thousand dollars, and the requisite amount of 
tonnage would be only one hundred and thirty thou- 
Band tons of shipping, about one-ninth part of the 
mercantile marine of the United States. Upon the 
supposition of a vessel's making two voyages in the 
year, it would be reduced to one half, sixty-tive thou- 
sand. And this quantity w^ould be still further re- 
duced, by embracing opportunities of incidental em- 



ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 425 

ploynient of vessels belonging to both the mercantile 
and military marines. 

But is the annnal application of one million and 
forty thousand dollars, and the eniphn-ment of sixt\'- 
^ve or even one hundred and thirty thousand tons of 
shipping, considerijig the magnitude of the object, 
bevond the al)ilitv of this country? Is there a patriot 
looking forward to its domestic quiet, its ha]»i)ine-s, 
and its irlorv, that would not cheerfully contrihu;e liis 
pro[)orti»)n of the burden to accomplish a purpose so 
great and so humane? During the general continu- 
ance of the African slave-trade, hundreds of thou- 
sands of slaves have been, in a single yeiir, imported 
into the several countries whose laws authorized their 
admission. Notwithstandiu": the vio-ilance of the 
powers now engaged to suppress the slave-ti'ade, I 
have received information, that in a sin2:le year, in 
the single island of Cuba, slaves equal in amount to 
one-half of the above number of tiftv-two thousand, 
have been illicitly- introduced. Is it possible that 
those who are concerned in an infamous traffic can 
eft'ect more tlian the States of this Union, if thev were 
seriously to engage in the good work ? Is it credihle 
— is it not a libel up.>n human nature to su|>pose, that 
the triumphs of fraud, and violence, and inicjuity, 
can surpass those of virtue, and benevolence, and 
humanity? 

The population of the United States being, at this 
time, estinuited at about ten millions of the European 
race, and two of the African, on the supposition of 
the annual colonization of a number of the latter 
equal to the annual increase of both of its clasfcon 
36* 



426 



SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 



(luring: the whole period necessary to the process of 
dnplicjition of our numbers, they would, at the end 
of that period, relatively stand twenty millions for 
the white, and two for the black portion. But an 
annual exportation of a number equal to the annual 
increase, at tlie beginning of the terra, and perse- 
vered in to the end of it, would accomplish more 
than to keep the parent stock stationary. The colo- 
nists would comprehend more than an equal propor- 
tion of those of the prolific ages. Few of those who 
had passed that age woukl migrate. So that the an- 
nual increase of those left behind, would continue 
graduall}', but at first insensibl}', to diminish; and by 
the expiration of the period of duplication, it would 
be found to have materiallv abated. But it is not 
merely the greater relative safety and happiness which 
would, at the termination of that period, be the con- 
dition of the whites. Their ability to give further 
stimulus to the cause of colonization, will liave been 
doubled, while the subjects on wliich it would have 
to operate will have decreased or remained stationary. 
If the business of colonization should be regularly 
continued during two periods of duy lication, at the 
end of the second the whites wouLl stand to the 
blacks, as forty millions to not more than two, while 
the same ability will have been quadrupled. Even 
if colonization should then altogether cease, the pro- 
portion of the African to the European race will be 
so small, that the most timid may then forever dis- 
miss all ideas of danger from within or without, ou 
account of that incongraous and perilous element ia 
oar population. 



ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 4*27 

Further: by the annual with(lra\Yal of fiftv-two 
thousand persons of coh^r, there ^^•ould he annual 
space created for an equal number of the white race. 
The period, therefore, of the duplication of the whites, 
by the laws which govern population, would be ac- 
celerated. 

Such, Mr. President, is the project of the Society; 
and such is the extension and use which maybe made 
of the principle of colonization, in application to our 
slave po[)ulation, by those States which are alone com- 
petent to undertake and execute it. AH, or any one 

of those States which tolerate slaverv mav adoijt and 

tj ^ 1 

execute it, by co-operation or separate exertion. If I 
could be instrumental in eradicating this deepest 
stain upon the character of our country, and removing 
all canse of reproach on account of it, by foreign 
nations — if I could onlv be instrumental in riddinsj 
of this foul blot that revered State that gave me birth, 
or that not less beloved State which kindly adopted 
me as her son — I would not exchange the proud sat- 
islactioQ which I should enjoy, for the honor of all 
the triumphs ever decreed to the most successful con- 
queror. 

Having, I hope, shown that the plan of tlie Society 
is not visionary, but rational and practicahle ; that a 
colony does in fact exist, planted under its auspices; 
that fiee people are willing and anxious to go ; and 
that the rigiit of soil as well as of sovereignty may 
be acquired in vast tracts of country in Africa, abun- 
dantly sutlicient for all the pur[n)ses of the most 
ample colony, and at prices almost only nominal, the 
task which remains to me of showins; the beneiicial 



428 



SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 



consoquciices which would attend tlie execution of 
the Pclienie, is conn)arativelv easy. 

Of tlie utility of a total separation of tlie two in- 
consz:runus portions of our population, supposing it 
to he practicahle, none have ever doubted. The 
mode of accomplishing that most desirable object, 
lias alone divided yjublic opinion. Colonization in 
llayti for a time had its partisans. Without throw 
in<r anv imijediments in the wav of executins^ that 
scheme, the American Colonization Society has 
steadily adhered to its own. The Haytien project 
has passed away. Colonization beyond the Stony 
Mountains has sometimes be 'U proj)Osed ; but it 
would be attended with an expense and difficulties 
far sur{:)assing the African project, while it would not 
unite the same animating motives. There is a moral 
fitness in tlie idea of returning to Africa her children, 
whose ancestors liave been torn from lier bv the ruth- 
less hand of fraud and violence. Transplanted in a 
foreiu'u land, tliev will carry back to their native soil 
tlie rich fruits of religion, civilization, law, and lib- 
ertv. Mnv it not be one of the i^reat desii^ns of the 
Tinier of the universe (whose ways are often inscru- 
table by shoi't-siglited mortals), thus to transform 
orii>;inal ciime into a sii^c'iitl blessin<2:, to that n.ost un- 
fortunate portion of the globe. Of all classes of our 
j)Opulation, the most vicious is that of the free 
colored. It is the inevitable result of their moral, 
political, and civil degradation. Contaminated them- 
selves, they extend their vices to all around them, to 
the slaves and to the whites. If the principle of co- 
lonization should be confined to them ; if u colony 



ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 429 

can he firmlv established, and snccessfnlly continned 
in Africa, wliich should draw off annnally an amount 
of that portion of our po]»ulation equal to its annual 
increase, much good ^^•ill be done. If the principle 
be adopted and applied by the States, whose laws 
sanction the existence of slavery to an extent equal 
to the annual increase of slaves, still greater good will 
be done. This good will be felt by the Africans who 
go, by the Africans who remain, by the white popu- 
lation of our country, by Africa and by America. 
It is a project which recommends itself to favor in 
all the aspects in which it can be contem[)lated. It 
will do good in every and any extent in which it may 
be executed. It is a circle of philanthropy, every 
segment of which telts and testifies to the benelicence 
of tiie whole. 

Every emigrant to Africa is a missionar}- carrying 
with him credentials in the holy cause of civilization, 
religion, and free institutions. Why is it that the 
degree of success of missionary exertions is so limited, 
and so discouraging to those whose piety and bene- 
volence prompt them ? Is it not because the mis- 
sionary is generally an alien and a stranger, perhaps 
of a different color, and from a different tribe? 
There is a sort of instinctive feelino: of iealousv and 
distrust towards foreigners, which repels and rejects 
them in all countries; and this feeling is in propor- 
tion to the deo^ree of iijnorance and barbarism wliich 
prevail. But the African colonists, whom we send 
to convert the heathen, are of the same color, the 
same family, the same physical constitution. AVuen 
the purposes of the colon}* shall be fully understood. 



430 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. 

the}' will 1)0 roccived as long-loRt brethren, restored to 
the embraces of their friends and their kindred bv the 
dis]">ensatio!is of a wise Providence. 

The Society is reproached f(»r agitating this qnes- 
tion. It should be recollected that the existence of 
free people of color is not limited to the States only 
^vhich tolerate slavery. The evil extends itself to all 
the States; and some of those which do not allow of 
slavery, tlieir cities especially, expei'ience the evil in 
an extent even greater than it exists in tlie slave 
States. A common evil confers a ris^ht to consider 
and apply a. common remedy. Xor is it a valid ob- 
jection that this remedy is partial in its operation or 
distant in its efficacv. A patient, writliin*^ under the 
tortures of excruciating disease, asks of his physician 
to cure him if he can, and, if he cannot, to mitigate 
his sufferings. But the remedy proposed, if gene- 
rally adopted and perseveringly applied for a suffi- 
cient lenii^th of time, should it not entirelv eradicate 
the disease, will enable the body politic to bear it 
•without dano^er and without sufferin^:. 

We are reproached with doing mischief by the 
agitation of this question. The Society goes into no 
liousehold to disturb its domestic tranquillit}' ; it ad- 
dresses itself to no slaves to weaken their obli^-ations 
of obedience. It seeks to afl^ect no man's propertv. 
It neither has the power nor the \\ill to affect the 
]>roperty of any one contrary to his consent. The 
execution of its sclieme would augment instead of 
diminishing the value of the property left behind. 
The Society, composed of free men, concerns itself 
only with the free. Collateral consequences we are 



ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 431 

not responsible for. It is not this Society Avliich has 
produced tlie great moral revolution which the age 
exhibits. What would they, who thus reproach us, 
have done? If they would repress all tendencies to- 
ward liberty and ultimate emancipation, they mus^t 
do more than put down the benevolent efforts of tliis 
Society. They must go back to the era of our liberty 
and independence, and muzzle the cannon which 
thunders its annual joyous return. They must re- 
vive the slave-trade, with all its train of atn^cities. 
They must suppress the workings of British philan- 
thropy, seeking to meliorate the condition of the un- 
fortunate West Indian slaves. Thev must arrest the 
career of South American deliverance from thraldom. 
They must blow out the moral lights around us, and 
extinguish that greatest torch of all which America 
points to a benighted world — pointing the way to 
their rights, their liberties, and their hap[)iness. And 
when they have achieved all these purposes, their 
"svork will be yet incomplete. They must penetrate 
the human soul, and eradicate the light of reason 
and the love of liberty. Then, and not till then, 
when universal darkness and despair prevail, can you 
perpetuate slavery, and ropress all sympathies, and 
all humane and benevolent efforts among freemen, in 
behalf, of the unhappy portion of our race doomed to 
bondao^e. 

Our friends, who are cursed with this greatest of 
human evils, deserve the kindest attention and con- 
sideration. Their property and their safety are both 
involved. But the liberal and candid among them 
will not, cannot, expect that every project to deliver 



432 SPEECHES OF H E K K Y CLAY. 

onr conntry from it is to be cruslied because of a pos- 
sible and ideal daii<2;er. 

Animated by the encouragement of the pnst, let 
us proceed under tlie cheering prospects which lie 
before us. Let us continue to appeal to the pious, 
the lii'eral, and the wise. Let us bear in mind the 
condition of our forefathers, when, collected on the 
beach of England, they embarked, amidst the scof- 
fings and the false predictions of the assembled 
multitude, for this distant land; and here, in spite of 
all the perils of forest and ocean wbicli they encoiin- 
'■^"ed, successfully laid the foundations of this glo- 
rious Republic. Undismayed by tlie pn^phecies of 
the presumptuous, let us supplicate the ai(J of the 
American representatives of the people, and redou- 
blini]: our labors, and invokino^ the l)le^sinixs of an 
all-wise Providence, I boldlv and coniidentlv antici- 
pate success. I hope the resolution which 1 oiier wiL 
be unanimously adopted. 



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